SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH COUNCIL ITEMS VOLUME 15 " NUMBER 1 " MARCH 1961 v 230 PARK AVENUE " NEW YORK 17, N. Y. THEORY AND RESEARCH ON METROPOLITAN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP: REPORT ON A CONFERENCE by David B. Truman Increased attention to the governmental problems of metropolitan reform movements, held a conference at cities and metropolitan areas in recent years has resulted Northwestern on April 1-3, 1960. The thirty persons in a large volume of descriptive and prescriptive litera- invited to participate included theoreticians and "prac- ture. Inevitably, perhaps, much research in this field has titioners" and represented not only political science proceeded without benefit of explicit theory and without and sociology, but also the law and journalism.2 Papers, concern for possible contributions to political theory. circulated in advance of the meetings, were prepared by Yet a number of conceptual or theoretical concerns are Peter H. Rossi, "Theory and Method in the Study of common to those undertakings, whatever their aims, Power in the Local Community"; Robert A. Dahl, most notably the conceptual problems involved in un- "Leadership in a Fragmented Political System: Notes derstanding and explaining patterns of political leader- for a Theory"; Herbert Kaufman, "Metropolitan Lead- ship. Whether the immediate objective has been the ership: The Snark of the Social Sciences"; and Norton formulation of new structures of metropolitan organiza- E. Long, "Some Observations Towards a Natural His- tion, theretrospective analysis of mortality among such tory of Metropolitan Politics." Each of these contribu- proposals, or the description of the operating political tions was the subject of a session of the conference; and systems of various types of urban community, the ques- a fifth session was devoted to general discussion aimed tion of how public decisions are made in and for such at identifying points of convergence or disagreement areas has made its appearance, sooner or later, openly and questions deserving future exploration. or in partial disguise. Hence it becomes appropriate, if not imperative, to inquire what kinds of conceptual 2 to Dahl, McKean, Truman, Wood, frameworks available for the of In addition Messrs. Levi, and are analysis leadership the participants in the conference were Ross C. Beiler, University of in urban settings. What are their capacities and limita- Miami; Frederic N. Cleavcland, University of North Carolina; Matthew tions? How may they be extended? Cullen, Ford Foundation; Allison Dunham, University of Chicago Law School; R. Grant, University; Scott Greer, North- To such questions as these and to encourage Daniel Vanderbilt explore western University; Charles M. Haar, Harvard Law School; Herbert explicit attempts to dealwith them, the Council's Com- Kaufman, Yale University; Maurice Klain, Western Reserve University; mittee on Political Behavior, 1 in cooperation with the Christian L. Larsen, Sacramento State College; Norton E. Long, North- Center for Metropolitan Studies at Northwestern Uni- western University; Samuel Lubell, Columbia School of Journalism; Frank Munger, Syracuse University; J. A. Norton, Cleveland Metro- versity and the Ford Foundation project for studying politan Services Western Reserve University; Nelson W. Polsby, Brookings Institution, now of the University of Wisconsin; i The members of the committee in 1959-60 were David B. Truman, Peter H. Rossi, University of Chicago; Wallace S. Sayre, Columbia Uni- Columbia University (chairman); William M. Beaney, Princeton Uni- versity; Henry J. Schmandt, University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee; versity; Robert A. Dahl, Yale University; Oliver Garceau and V. O. Key, George A. Shipman, University of Washington; York Willbern, Indiana Jr., Harvard University; Avery Leiserson, VanderbiltUniversity; Edward University; James Q. Wilson, University of Chicago; Robert C. Wood, H. Levi, University of Chicago; Dayton D. McKean, University of Colo- Massachusetts Institute of Technology; G. Coleman Woodbury, Uni- rado; Bryce Wood. versity of Wisconsin. 1 Commission, staff, SOCIOMETRIC STUDIES OF POWER tion: In (presumably large and heterogeneous) commu- IN THE COMMUNITY nities with well-developed political parties, whose offi- cials are normally full-time, where party lines tend to Space does not permit more than suggestions of the follow class and ethnic lines, and where the party favored highlights of thepapers, especially those points on which by the lower status groups has a good chance of electing the discussion focused. Concentrating first on research candidates to local office, the community power structure technique, Rossi reviewed existing studies of power tends to be polylithic rather than monolithic. structure under three main headings: first, studies in which a sample of the adult population of the commu- URBAN POLITICAL LEADERSFIIP nity is asked to designate its most influential citizens paper a formal analytical statement ab- ("mass sociometry"); second, studies in which individu- Dahl's was materials of his completed re- als, selected because their positions are assumed to pro- stracted from the recently in New Haven.4 After vide them with especiallyrelevant knowledge, are asked search on community leadership discussing empirical difficulties in themeasurement to designate persons or organizations holding power in some key variables to be the community ("elite sociometry"); and, third, studies of influence, he suggested that the into account in relative influence are the in which individuals whose positions have involved them taken judging with "actors" use available in a decision on a public issue are asked to identify per- rate and the efficiency which resources." Such resources include any means sonswho influenced the nature of the decision ("decision "influence deprivations upon sociometry"). Noting that the first of these techniques is of granting rewards to or imposing any means of affect- useful primarily in studying small towns or restricted participants in the political system, of participants, and urban Rossi gave most attention to the ing the expectations or cognitions neighborhoods, for second and third. Here he argued that "elite sociome- any differentially distributed opportunities employ- example, money, control of jobs, try," typified by the work of Hunter,3 is the more system- ing these. Thus, for resources, as are legitimate au- atic, although it suffers the limitations of identifying and theright to vote are control of information, and high social status. only a potential structure and in some instances the thority, in addition the time energy to use these and unnecessary handicap of concentrating on the politics of But and resources. civic committees and voluntary associations to the vir- other means are themselves and functional specialization of insti- tual exclusion of governmental processes. "Decision soci- The complexity tutions in the community have resulted in ometry," on the other hand, is more productive of in- contemporary influence resources. Hence, sights into processes of leadership, but tends to produce a fragmented distribution of view, the general of influence in a city case studies that are qualitative in character, resistant to in Dahl's pattern be one in which a generalization, and low in comparability. Suggesting that of any considerable size will either small groups have their own these limitations might be reduced, he argued in effect number of individuals or his terms, "independent sover- for the complementarity of the two techniques. "Actual spheres of influence in in—which leaders diverg- influence," he noted, "ispotential influence modified by eignties"—or one several with coalition. opportunity, interest, and decision-making machinery." ing goals and strategies act in tendency a high degree of influence over Turning to questions of theory, Rossi suggested that Any toward Dahl suggested, variations in phenomena associated with governmental most or all sectors of community policy, to group of elected public agencies and officials and in phenomena related to the is likely be associated with the ample and the and in- electorate, organized to some degree in parties and other officials who have resources skill and The tend- political associations, independently influence the type centives to use them copiously efficiently. toward a concentration of influence, wherever it of power structure in the community. He identified ency may occur, reflects the disposition of all groups to three broad types of community power structure the — their in the sphere of "monolithic," in turn divisible into either highly cen- use resources relatively sparingly public and thus for those few who employ them tralized or caucus rule by the few; the "polylithic," char- policy, to be especially influential. acterized by bargaining among separate power structures more frequently and fully "chieftains," in Dahl's view, may ap- andby professional political control oflocal government; Coalitions of elite leaders feel the need for a degree of co- and a residual "amorphous" type showing no enduring pear when these not supplied their "independent sover- pattern of power. His conception of therelation between ordination by the indicators of electoral and official phenomena and was carried out with the aid of the these types is shown in the following general proposi- i His report on this project, which Committee on Political Behavior under its program of Grants for Re- Governmental will be published by Yale sFloyd Hunter, Community