Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics Proceedings from the fourth Workshop on American Indigenous Languages July 6-8, 2001 Jeanie Castillo, Editor Department of Linguistics University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, CA 93106 Papers in Linguistics Linguistics Department University of California, Santa Barbara Santa Barbara, California 93106-3100 U.S.A. Checks in U.S. dollars should be made out to UC Regents with $5.00 added for overseas postage. If your institution is interested in an exchange agreement, please write the above address for information. Volume I: Korean: Papers and Discourse Date $13.00 Volume 2: Discourse and Grammar $10.00 Volume 3: Asian Discourse and Grammar $10.00 Volume 4: Discourse Transcription $15.00 Volume 5: East Asian Linguistics $15.00 Volume 6: Aspects of Nepali Grammar $15.00 Volume 7: Prosody, Grammar, and Discourse in Central Alaskan Yup'ik $15.00 Proceedings from the fust $20.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Proceedings from the second $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Proceedings from the third $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages Proceedings from the fourth $15.00 Workshop on American Indigenous Languages FOREWARD It is with great pleasure that we present the proceedings of the fourth Workshop on American Indigenous Languages (WAIL 2001). In continuing a tradition begun with the student discussion group on North American Indigenous Languages (NAIL), the evolving membership wishes to pay tribute to Marianne Mithun and Wallace O1afe for their consistent encouragement and support. We hope that this fourth volume of the Working Papers represents another step in the development of WAIL as a forum where we may all share our discoveries, both descriptive and theoretical, concerning these increasingly endangered languages. Paul Barthmaier Joe Holmberg Greg Brown Kirk Miller Kelsi Camp Jennifer Van Vorst Jeanie Castillo CONTENTS FOREWARD . 1 CONJUNCT/DISJUNCT SYSTEMS IN BARBACOAN LANGUAGES. 3 Timothy Jowan Curnow TOPIC, FOCUS, DEFINITENESS, SPECIFICI1Y, AND REFERENTIAL PROMINENCE IN WESTERN APACHE NOUN PHRASES AND RELATIVE CLAUSES. 13 Willem J de Reuse SECONDARY PALATALIZATION AND CHANGES IN VOWEL FORMANTS IN ISTHMUS MIXE . 20 Julia Dieterman DICCIONARIO YAQUI-ESPANOL: A LEXICOGRAPHIC PROJECT. 34 Zarina Estrada Fernandez INDERIV ATION IN WEST GREENLANDIC - IN PASSIVE AND OTHER VALENCE DECREASING STRUCTURES. 47 Karen Langgard POSITIONAL VERBS AND RELATIONAL NOUNS IN ZANIZA ZAPOTEC . 60 Natalie Operstein CROSS-REFERENCING IN EMERILLON (fuPI-GUARANI): A HIERARCHICAL AGREEMENTSYSTEM '" 71 Fran~oise Rose NOMINAL CLASSIFICATION IN MIRANA. 85 Frank Seifart TOWARD A TYPOLOGY OF POSITION CLASS: COMPARING NAVAJO AND KET VERB MORPHOLOGY . 99 Edward Vajda THE SEMANTICS OF YUROK INTENSIVE INFIXATION , 112 Esther Wood & Andrew Garrett Timothy Jowan Curnow RCLT, La Trobe University The Barbacoan language family consists of at least four languages spoken in southwestern Colombia and northwestern Ecuador (Curnow and Liddicoat, 1998): Guambiano, Awa Pit or Cuaiquer, Cha'palaachi or Cayapa, and Tsafiki or Colorado.! Totor6 is also clearly in this family; however it is not clear from available materials if it is better treated as a separate language closely related to Guambiano or as a dialect of Guambiano. All languages of this family are typologically similar. For example, all are verb final (with the usual correlates), primarily suffixing, and with nominative-accusative case marking. However all also share a typologically unusual system of marking, which will be called conjunct/disjunct marking here, following the terminology used by Hale (1980) in his description of a similar phenomenon in Kathmandu Newari. While this is not necessarily the most appropriate terminology, especially given that in the Barbacoan languages there are three terms in the system, it is the most generally accepted label used in the literature for this phenomenon. At first glance, conjunct/disjunct marking appears to be a type of person marking system; however the details are much more complex. This paper explores some of the intricacies of the conjunct/disjunct system of the Barbacoan languages. In statements, the conjunct/disjunct system of Barbacoan languages initially appears to be a system of first versus non-first person marking, with the conjunct form occurring in first person statements while the disjunct occurs in second and third person statements, as in the following examples from Awa Pit:2 0a=n~ paw ku-mtu-s (1SG.(NOM)=TOP) plantain eat-IMPF-CONJ[C] 'I am eating plantains.' 0u=n~ paw ku-mtu-y (2SG.(NOM)=TOP) plantain eat-IMPF-DISJ[D] 'You are eating plantains.' (3) (us=na) atal ayna-mtu-y (3SG.(NOM)=TOP) chicken COOk-IMPF-DISJ[D] 'He/she is cooking chicken.' (Curnow, In press) However a simple glance at how the conjunct and disjunct forms are used in questions is enough to dispel the idea that the system is one of first/non- first person marking, since in questions the conjunct form is used with second person and, in Awa Pit at least, the disjunct is used with first and third person: (4) min-a=ma ashap-tu-y? who-ACC=INTER annoY-IMPF-DISJ[D] 'Whom am I annoying?' (5) shi=ma ki-mtu-s? what=INTER do-IMPF-CONJ[C] 'What are you doing?' (6) min=ta-s a-mtu-y? where=LoC-ABL come-IMPF-DISJ[D] 'Where is he coming from?' (Curnow, In press) There is thus a binary distinction here between what will be termed locutor and nonlocutor participants: locutor covers first person in statements and second person in questions, while nonlocutor covers second and third person in statements and first and third person in questions. In the examples above (although not always, as will be seen below) conjunct marking is used when there is a locutor subject, and disjunct is used with nonlocutor subjects. This unification of first person in statements with second person in questions appears odd, at first glance. But as has been pointed out by Hargreaves (1990; 1991), it can be understood in terms of epistemic source or epistemic authority. In making a statement, a speaker claims that he or she knows the information in the proposition, and thus first person has a privileged position. In asking a question, the speaker is claiming that the addressee has knowledge of the proposition; and thus in questions, the second person occupies a privileged position with respect to knowledge. This idea of a claim to knowledge thus unifies first person in statements and second person in questions, the locutor participants. A conjunct/disjunct system is defined here as a system of marking where, at least in agentive, volitional contexts (or in neutral contexts with a predicate which is normally interpreted as being agentive and volitional), there is a distinction between the marking in statements which contain a first person subject and those which contain no first person participant; and the marking used in statements when there is a first person subject (conjunct marking) is also used in questions when there is a second person subject. As will be seen below, the marking used in statements when there is no first person argument (disjunct marking) may be used in questions which contain no second person subject; conjunct marking or other marking may also be used in other contexts; and different marking may be used in nonvolitional contexts, depending on the language. The basic conjunct/disjunct system of Awa Pit was seen above, where the conjunct marking was used in locutor subject contexts, the disjunct marking in nonlocutor subject contexts. This pattern can also be seen in the other Barbacoan languages for which data is available. In TsafIki, the Congruent suffIx (conjunct) is used in locutor subject contexts (both statements, as in example (7), and questions, as in example (8)), while an unmarked verb (disjunct) is used for nonlocutor subject contexts in statements, as in example (9): tse Tsachi jo-yo-e IF Tsachi be-coNGR-DCL[C] 'I am a Tsachi' nu seke tera ki-yo-n 2 good dance dO-CONGR-INT[C] 'Did you dance well?' (9) ya/nu Tsachi jo-e 3/2 Tsachi be-DcL[D] 'He/you are a Tsachi' (Dickinson, 1999:30) In questions, conjunct marking is used if there is a second person subject, as in example (8), and disjunct marking is used if there is a third person subject, as in example (10): (10) ya seke tera ki-n 3 good dance dO-INT[D] 'Did he/she dance well?' (Dickinson, 1999:30) However questions with a fIrst person subject have a separate third form in TsafIki, the Noncongruent (glossed with [C*] here), as in sentence (11): (11) fa seke tera ki-i-n 1M good dance dO-NCONGR-INT[C*] 'Did I dance well?' (Dickinson, 1999:30) Cha'palaachi likewise uses conjunct versus disjunct in statements to indicate fIrst versus non-fIrst (examples (12) versus (13)), and uses the conjunct in second person questions (as in example (14)). (12) de-ca-yu PL-take-coNJ[C] 'We took' (13) ca-ve take-DISJ[D] 'He/she took, you took' (14) naaju chu-yu? how be-coNJ[C] 'How are you?' (Vittadello, 1988:60,62) While no examples are given, Vittadello (1988) also notes that Cha'palaachi has a special third form used for first person in questions, like the Tsafiki Noncongruent form in example (11). In Guambiano, statements are marked with Locutor singular subject or Locutor plural subject marking (see examples (15) and (16)) if they have a first person subject, and are marked with a Nonlocutor suffix if they have a non-first person subject (see examples (17) and (18)), the standard conjunct versus disjunct pattern with the additional complication of number marking in conjunct forms. (15) srusr;$ ku-r young be-LocT:SING[C] 'I am young' (16) nu pisu-yu pir-er big POOI-LOC bathe-LocT:PL[C] 'We bathed in the lake' (17) ye-wan ma-n potato-Ac eat-No:LOCT[D] 'You (plural) ate the potato' (18) machik misak ka-n Paez person be-No:LocT[D] 'He is a Paez' (Vasquez de Ruiz, 1988:99) Unfortunately at this stage it is not known how questions are formed in Guambiano; thus it is not certain that the Locutor suffixes (conjunct) are used in questions with second person subjects, as would be expected in a conjunct/disjunct system.