International Migrant Workers' Use of Mobile Phones to Seek Social

International Migrant Workers' Use of Mobile Phones to Seek Social

International Migrant Workers’ Use of Mobile Phones to Seek Social Support CHIB, WILKIN, HUA Research Article International Migrant Workers’ Use of Mobile Phones to Seek Social Support in Singapore Arul Chib Arul Chib [email protected] Holley A. Wilkin Associate Professor Nanyang Technological Sri Ranjini Mei Hua University Abstract 31 Nanyang Link Singapore 637718 International migrants often need social support to deal with an unfamiliar en- vironment and reduce stress caused by prevailing attitudes in their host coun- Holley A. Wilkin try, as well as that induced by distance and separation from their family. This [email protected] study investigates whether mobile phones facilitate or inhibit migrants’ ability Associate Professor to seek the social support needed to reduce the stress they experience in their Georgia State University host country. Further, gender differences are examined and discussed. A quan- P.O. Box 5060 titative survey of men (n 56), primarily Bangladeshis working in blue-collar Atlanta, GA 30302-5060 USA occupations, and women (n 60), primarily Filipina domestics, was con- ducted in Singapore. For women, mobile use alleviated stress by increasing so- Sri Ranjini Mei Hua cial support; emotional support had the greatest impact on their psychological [email protected] well-being. Male migrant workers were more likely to experience stress the Associate Lecturer more they used their mobile phones and when receiving increased emotional Singapore Institute of support. This ªnding is in contrast to traditionally held assumptions about the Management University beneªcial impacts of mobile phones. We caution against treating immigrants 461 Clementi Road as a homogeneous group, and recommend inclusion of variables such as gen- Singapore 599491 der to understand the role of technology-mediated social support in alleviating migrant stress. We further propose that policies and programs facilitating transnational communication for low-income migrants need to be examined carefully in terms of their unintended impacts. Introduction Globalization has profoundly impacted ªnancial capital and social organi- zation, as well as the mobility of people, products, occupations, and infor- mation (Castells, 2000). For global labor, the opportunities have been immense, with increasingly complex transportation networks allowing migration to locations that offer better job prospects. The estimated num- ber of international migrants increased to 214 million in 2010, with 60% residing in more developed regions, constituting 10.3% of the host coun- try populations (UN, 2011). However, adapting to a new host culture and job situation, while simultaneously being cut off from one’s traditional social networks, fosters a sense of isolation and leads to stress for interna- tional migrants (Berry, 2005; Bhugra & Jones, 2001). Migrants have been observed to gain social support with increased access to communication networks through information and communica- © 2013 USC Annenberg School for Communication & Journalism. Published under Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license. All rights not granted thereunder to the public are reserved to the publisher and may not be exercised without its express written permission. Volume 9, Number 4, Winter 2013, 19–34 19 INTERNATIONAL MIGRANT WORKERS’ USE OF MOBILE PHONES TO SEEK SOCIAL SUPPORT tion technologies (ICTs). The technological ecology domestic workers (Human Rights Watch, 2008). of migrants is complex, consisting of a variety of As of 2012, approximately one in every ªve Singa- ICTs. Although some migration studies document porean households (Transient Workers Count Too, technology-mediated social support (Chen & Choi, 2011) employed the 209,600 female migrant 2011; Mehra & Papajohn, 2007) and the relation- domestic workers, and 293,000 work permits were ship with acculturation stress (Ye, 2006), this awarded in the construction sector (Ministry of research has been limited to computers and the Manpower, 2013). Internet. We extend this academic research by evalu- Most unskilled laborers in Singapore have found ating mobile phone use among migrants in access- work in blue-collar occupations (Abbugao, 2010). ing social support. Further, we advance earlier work Migrant workers fall outside the jurisdictions of local (e.g., Wong & Leung, 2008) on the relationship labor laws with regard to minimum wage, job stabil- between key variables in the migration and ICT con- ity, employment mobility, and occupational rights, text—social support and migrant stress—by examin- such as rest days or vacations (HOME, 2008). The ing international migrant workers. low skill levels required and minimal legal protec- Finally, we investigate gender differences related tions have led to rapid hiring and ªring strategies to the questions posed in the literature on migration being used in response to broader macroeconomic stress and social support; e.g., the importance and trends, leading to a transient and mobile workforce availability of social support for women (Kessler & with few permanent rights. Meanwhile, local Singa- McLeod, 2002; Laireiter & Baumann, 1992). We poreans, who feel that low-cost foreign labor has seek to contribute to the knowledge about ICTs’ contributed to a suppression of wages among local potential to reduce stress in, and provide social sup- low-income workers, are wary of existing immigra- port for, low-income migrant communities within tion policies. These issues found heightened public the global context. This article examines whether discussion in political forums, such as the parliamen- mobile phone use by international migrants facili- tary general elections of May 2011 and the debates tates access to social support and reduces stress. generated by the Population White Paper of 2012 The study was conducted among male, primarily (Ministry of Trade and Industry, 2012). The resulting Bangladeshi, blue-collar workers, and female, pri- volatility has led to anger toward, and mistrust of, marily Filipina, domestic workers in Singapore. We foreign workers, particularly by Singaporeans in the begin by presenting the literature on migrant work- lower socioeconomic brackets who suffer the great- ers in Singapore, then examine the literature on est competition for low-wage employment. Thus, migration-related stress, social support, and mobile migrant communities in Singapore face multiple phone use, ranging from the broader international sources of stress, arising not only from job insecurity, perspective to the more speciªc Singaporean but also from discrimination by locals. context. Migration Stress Migrant Workers in Singapore Migrants often need to deal with homesickness With increasing job opportunities associated with a (Swagler & Ellis, 2003; Ying, 1996), loneliness (Ben- growing economy, Singapore has recently experi- Sira, 1997; Ryan & Twibell, 2000), ªnancial enced a rapid inºux of migrant workers (Xinhua, difªculties (Yeh & Inose, 2003), job-related chal- 2007), predominantly from the South and Southeast lenges (Ben-Sira, 1997), language barriers (Vedder & Asian countries of India, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Virta, 2005), and the social discrimination (Pedersen, Thailand, and the Philippines (Yeoh, 2007). Low- 1995; Qiu, 2009) that comes with living in an unfa- wage migrant workers constituted almost 36% of miliar environment. Migration stress, typically a Singapore’s total workforce (Tan, 2011). Male result of exposure to difªculties and the constant migrant workers were employed in low-skilled jobs, need to adjust to a host country (Chen, 2007), is primarily in the construction and craftsman sectors, related to poor mental health (Wong & Leung, landscaping and grass-cutting services, and the 2008) that manifests through such symptoms as marine sector (Low, 2002; Rahman & Lian, 2005), anxiety, depression, apathy, and feelings of isolation while nearly all the women were engaged as 20 Information Technologies & International Development CHIB, WILKIN, HUA (Dion, Dion, & Pak, 1992; Jasinskaja-Lahti, Liebkind, education levels and are generally considered to be Jaakkola, & Reuter, 2006; Swagler & Ellis, 2003). more skilled than construction workers from Bangla- Jibeen and Khalid (2009) identiªed the domains desh, who are commonly known as “unskilled” of social and functional stressors that migrants may manual laborers (Thompson, 2009). Hence, the for- encounter. Along with homesickness and loneliness mer’s adaptation to the host society may be (Ying, Lee, & Tsai, 2000), social stressors include dis- smoother and less laden with obstacles. crimination in the workplace and in society (Rustenbach, 2010), ªnancial constraints on social Social Support and self-improvement activities (See, Goh, Ng, A growing body of research suggests that migrants’ Cheang, Jiang, & Chib, 2012), and interpersonal adaptation processes can be made less stressful and relationship issues. Functional stressors refer to lan- more manageable with ample social support guage barriers arising from an inadequate command (Kamya, 1997; Meadows, Kaslow, Thompson, & of the local language and the occupational and Jurkovic, 2005; Sherraden & Martin, 1994; Tran, ªnancial difªculties relevant to the migrant’s day-to- 1994). A substantial literature also documents the day activities (Thompson, Hartel, Manderson, Woelz- positive inºuence of social support on the mental Stirling, & Kelaher, 2002). health and psychological well-being of migrants The literature points to conºicting accounts of (Elias

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