Religious Diversity and Patrimonialization a Case Study of the Nianli Festival in Leizhou Peninsula, China

Religious Diversity and Patrimonialization a Case Study of the Nianli Festival in Leizhou Peninsula, China

ZHENG SHANSHAN Religious diversity and patrimonialization A case study of the Nianli Festival in Leizhou Peninsula, China ith the emergence of the neologism ‘intan­ in China, which seeks to document, examine and gible cultural heritage’ in 2003 and the adop­ critically evaluate the empirical changes that Chinese Wtion of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Law of popular religion has been undergoing during this the People’s Republic of China in 2011 various popular process of patrimonialization. religious practices in China which used to be consid­ This article provides a preliminary overview of the ered as feudal superstitions started to be recognized popular religious landscape during the era of patri- as examples of cultural heritage worthy of protection. If monialization in the Leizhou Peninsula1 (the south- we examine the concept of religious diversity at a local ernmost part of Guangdong Province) in southern level in contemporary China, the process of a ‘patrimo­ China. Leizhou Peninsula is administratively com- nialization’ of popular religious practices that reflect prised of two prefecture-level cities; Zhanjiang and the dynamic relationships which can be detected Maoming. In Zhanjiang, there are four districts, three across diverse discourses, multiple stakeholders and county-level cities, two counties, two economic and cultural policies in different arenas could offer us a technological development zones and one tourism new perspective on religious practices to explore. In demonstration zone.2 As the most important coastal this article I offer an analysis, based on fieldwork con­ region in the southwest of Guangdong Province, the ducted between 2013 and 2016 on the Leizhou Peninsula Leizhou Peninsula is currently accelerating its tran- in southern China’s Guangdong Province, of the varying sition from an agriculture-based economy into one degrees of acceptance, accommodation and resistance prompted by the actualization of popular religious prac­ tices in this era of patrimonialization. 1 This study is based on research materials collected between February and April in 2013, 2015 and 2016 in the prefecture-level city of Zhanjiang, as well as its As a religiously diverse country, alongside the county-level city of Leizhou on the Leizhou Peninsula five officially recognized religions, namely Buddhism, at the southwestern end of the Guangdong Province. Taoism, Catholicism, Protestantism and Islam, popu- I use a geographical category, Leizhou Peninsula, not lar religion has long been an integral part of Chinese an administrative division, to circumscribe the area of this study in order to avoid the interference of the religious life. Having undergone phases of suppres- existing official PRC administrative division based on sion and resurgence since the early twentieth century, the distinct cultural feature of each selected village today, and as of 2003, various popular religious prac- characterized by different local history, language tices are now free of the label ‘superstition’ and are (dialect) and custom. recognized as items of protected cultural heritage as 2 The districts are Chikan, Potou, Xiashan and a consequence of a rapidly expanding and far-reach- Mazhang; the county-level cities are Leizhou, Lianjiang and Wuchuan; the counties are Xuwen and ing ‘heritage movement’ (Peng 2008, Gong 2013) in Suixi. The economic and technological development China. zones are Zhanjiang and Fenyong Gaoxin and the This study serves as part of my doctoral disser- tourism demonstration zone is South tri-island tour- tation on the patrimonialization of popular religion ism demonstration zone. Approaching Religion • Vol. 7, No. 1 • April 2017 21 driven by clusters of major industries such as ship- Usually, the general survey of religious compositions building, petrochemicals and steelmaking. by the local authorities doesn’t interfere with the activities of the followers of popular religions. As we attempt to outline the current-day popu- The popular religious landscape lar religious landscape on the Leizhou Peninsula, a in contemporary Leizhou description of the traditional local Nianli festival, When travelling in Leizhou, much like everywhere the most significant and influential annual event in else in Guangdong Province, it is not difficult to the region, might be an effective means of gaining an notice the intensity of popular religious activities: understanding of the richness of local popular reli- small shrines abundant with offerings can be spot- gious life. ted everywhere; at the entrance of a village, under the As with most of the local folk traditions in China, big banyan tree, beside the pond, and near the back it’s difficult to precisely trace the origins of Nianli. door of the house. On special days dedicated to local The earliest known official record referring to the fes- deities, visitors are likely to run into a local woman tival is from the General Chronology of Guangdong of who may well be on her way to the village temple or the Ming Dynasty (Huang 1557/1997). In Chinese, ancestral hall, holding a tray or a basket, full of offer- Nianli could literally be translated as ‘annual routine’, ings and a string of firecrackers. Inside the temple, which reflects its cycle of celebration. The schedule crowds of divinatory stick enquirers wait patiently and programme of activities of each village may vary for interpretations from professional soothsayers-in- according to the vagaries of local history and the residence. At the end of day, the ground is covered complexity of the composition of the pantheon. Even with a thick layer of shreds of paper, which looks like though local scholars haven’t been able to reach a a red carpet, formed from the remains of fire crackers. consensus regarding its origins and nature, we could Zheng Shanshan The territorial parade of Thunder Ancestor in Leizhou, 2016. 22 Approaching Religion • Vol. 7, No. 1 • April 2017 describe Nianli, in general terms at least, as a fes- Ancestor, organized by four Chen-surname villages, tive period/process that involves singing, dan cing, young men from the villages gathered in the temple theatre, feasting, oral traditions and storytelling, dis- of the Thunder Ancestor early in the morning to pre- plays of craftsmanship, sports and other entertain- pare the deities for their annual journey. They care- ment forms. Essentially, all these activities serve the fully moved three colourful wooden deity statues, same purpose; to ‘bless and pray for the community’ namely Leizu the ‘Thunder Ancestor’, Leishou the by appealing to the local deities and the ancestors, ‘Thunder God’, and Liguang, the ‘General Li’, to the according to its associations with the lineage. sedans. Instructed by the elders of the Chen lin- The Lantern Festival is held on the 15th day of the eage association, they tightly fastened the idols with first month in the Chinese lunar calendar, marking sedans so that they would not drop during the parade. the end of the Chinese New Year festivities. As the Eighteen young men had been chosen to carry those Lantern Festival approached in February 2016, the three sedans. At the same time, two groups of vil- majority of migrant workers were returning to the lagers were standing by to provide back-up It is a long city from their home towns in the rural areas, while journey that lasts at least six to seven hours, walking the younger generation from the Leizhou Peninsula through almost every main street, stopping at each were heading back to their villages to join the Nianli temple and ancestral hall in those four villages. celebrations, for the reason that most villages in The order of the procession is pre-determined: Leizhou County mark the festival between the 10th the first deity will be General Li, which is called day and the end of the first month in the Chinese the ‘Third God’ by locals, followed by the Thunder lunar calendar. God, also known as the ‘Second God’. The last deity, If you visit the village on just this occasion, you the Thunder Ancestor, is called the ‘First God’, and will find that the younger generation has been making is accorded the highest reverence. On arrival in the an active contribution. On 17 February 2016, the first last village, the procession marks the end of the first day of the two-day territorial parade of the Thunder day of the parade. The tired young men will put the Zheng Shanshan The procession of the parade of Thunder Ancestor is traversing the national highway with the help of local police, 2016. Approaching Religion • Vol. 7, No. 1 • April 2017 23 sedans inside the ancestral hall and stay overnight. relics, may, depending on their historical, artistic and The route of the second day’s parade is limited to scientific value, be designated as sites to be protected downtown Leizhou County. for their historical and cultural value’. However, the According to the parade’s organizer, Chen Xinlian, villagers would rather decline the honour of the the director of the Chen lineage association, about temple, the most sacred place in the village, being 500 villagers participated in the event this year. Apart listed as an ‘historic site’ and instead prefer to build a from professionals such as the band musicians, vil- glorious new temple according to their own will and lagers aged from 15 to 40 made up the majority of the with their own money. The official told me that in procession volunteers. The young women (minors order to avoid intervention from local government, and unmarried) are usually assigned to hold the some villages were even secretly completing all the paper dolls or the eight treasures flags, but they are restoration work in a very short time without notify- not allowed to enter the temples on that day. During ing anyone. the parade, I kept close to the procession in an effort Adam Yuet Chau (2013: 141) points out that ‘reli- to verify the order and appellation of the deities.

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