The Arab Revolt The Political Dimension The Arab Revolt was an armed uprising in the second half of WW1 by the Hashemite Arabs of the Hejaz area of the Arabian Peninsular, led by Sheik Hussein bin Ali, Emir of Mecca and descendant of Mohammed the Prophet, and his four sons, against the Ottoman Turks who had occupied the area for over 400 years. Before and during the armed uprising, the political manifestations were beyond complex – they were a maelstrom of deals, promises, doubts, lies, deceit and agreements. The Hashemites were given early moral encouragement by certain Arabs of the Syrian area and finally military support by other tribal Arabs once the revolt started and successes were seen. British political concerns see-sawed, being seen by some as a lower priority than the France/Western Front theatre but vital by others. British military support of weapons and advisers followed and, although little known, Australia gave invaluable military and logistic support that arguably led to final victory in Palestine and the Arabs. The British officer Lt (later Lt-Col) T E Lawrence, who became known as Lawrence of Arabia, aided the revolt, acting as liaison officer between the British and the Arabs. Whilst the initial aim of the Arabs and Lawrence was for the unity of all Arabs and the formation of an Arab Nation, tribal disputes plus British and French post-war domination resulted in the establishment of Mandates in the Middle East and fragmented Arab control in scattered regions, laying the foundation for the Middle East as we see it today. The Arab Armies, tribal Arabs, British and Dominion forces all combined to defeat the Ottoman Turks. And whilst opinion is divided about the significance of the military impact of the Arab forces and the value of the eastern campaign of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force’s total contribution to World War 1, there is absolutely no argument about the impact it has had on the formation of today’s Middle East. Equally, there is no doubt that had the Revolt or the EEF campaign failed, the world would be a very different place than it is today. This paper looks at the political and global issues – a future paper will examine the military campaign. Mankind has occupied the Middle East for around 50,000 years. Arab culture in the desert provides hospitality to a visitor for three days without question. But that same culture allows five generations to effect retribution if a tribe or clan is dishonoured. The desert is a harsh landlord and life is cheap to those who have little and seek comfort from another. This is not Islamic culture, it is Arabic culture and their “law of the land” and their “land” is the desert. There are few friends and no cohesion between tribal peoples – only within the tribe and clans. It is important for peoples with different cultures to recognize this to understand the actions of the various Arab groups and those who came into contact with them. 1 To Start A Revolt At 53 years of age he was bearded and grey – he looked older … and tired. He sat alone by the window in his room in Mecca. Sweat dripped down his forehead, down his face and neck onto his chest as he sagged over the long barrelled rifle. A finger oscillated across the trigger. His thoughts were troubled - King or conquered? Was the sweat from the desert heat of mid-summer, or the realisation of what he was about to unleash? If he could have known the future, he would have sweated even more. With a deep breath and an effort to straighten his shoulders, Sheik Hussein bin Ali, Emir of Mecca as appointed by the Ottoman Sultan just eight years earlier, fired that rifle on the 5th June 1916 - an aging man with dreams of a unified Arab nation, himself as King of the Arabs, and much hope in his heart. That shot formally started the Arab Revolt; the uprising of the tribal Hejaz Arabs against the residual might of the 600 year old Ottoman Empire. His thoughts were troubled. Would the revolt gain widespread Arab support, or would the other tribes wait in dis-unity and watch before involving, if at all? Would Britain, already heavily defeated at Gallipoli and Mesopotamia and held to stalemate by the Germans in France, come to his aid, and even if it did, would it be of any value? The day he fired that shot, Hussein could not have known that Lord Kitchener, an early advocate of the eastern campaign and the Arab position, had been killed that same day when the ship he sailed on was sunk by a German mine. Background The Ottoman Empire at its peak (towards the end of the 17th Century) rivalled in size and influence the older dynasties of Rome, Greece, Egypt and Persia. From around 1300AD over the next six centuries it had grown from its hub in central Turkey to project like spokes of a wheel 360°; it went north through the Balkans into southern Europe including Greece, stopped only at the gates of Vienna; it went east surrounding the Black Sea into the southern areas of Russia, down the Mesopotamian rivers into Persia (Iran and Iraq today) to the Persian Gulf; south through the Arabian Peninsula to Yemen; then west through the top of Africa into Egypt, Algeria, Libya and Tunisia. The Ottomans controlled the Black Sea, The Aegean Sea, the Red Sea and much of the Mediterranean Sea – but the Suez Canal did not exist until the very end of their reign. In triumphant times, the Ottomans controlled the massive trade routes through the unique land areas that join Asia Minor to Europe at the Bosporus (Istanbul today); from Egypt through the Sinai into Palestine and then on to Mesopotamia and the Silk Routes to India and China. It was an Empire of controlled wealth and military strength. It was a palette of race, religion, culture, custom, skin colour, language, gastronomy, building, clothing and, love of the conqueror – for not all Rulers are loved unquestioningly. 2 map showing the extent of the Ottoman reach in its heyday Abdul-Hamid II had ascended to the Ottoman Sultan throne in 1876. His rule was punctuated with corruption, wild rantings, autocratic rulings, death-squad control of opposition and intolerance to contrary opinions. He was not loved. But during his reign the Ottoman Parliament had included Turks, Arabs, natives - Muslims, Christians and Jews. People of all religions could work, own business, vote and be part of the military. In cities and villages, people of all types lived side by side, mostly happily. Although the Sultan was corrupt and feared, the politics of his day had allowed Muslim, Jew and Christian to participate in the government, commerce and the military. During the 19th Century world politics had taken wild about-swings and new alliances replaced old ones and former enemies became friends and friends became enemies, as only politicians can achieve. Into the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was an aging relic, at the twilight of its once dynamic reign. It was at the frontier of its final stages of decline and the seeds of internal revolt were formed by an enthusiastic group of what could be called ‘Turkish nationalists’, also known as the Young Turks of the Committee of Union and Progress [CUP]. They were forcing the Sultan to amend his corrupt and idiosyncratic ways that were leading the Empire to ruin. Under the Young Turks however, it was the Turkish members of the CUP who rose to prominence and positions of influence, while others were expelled or given much more minor roles1. The Sultan had his powers restricted by these Young Turks, who by 1909 finally deposed him in favour of his kindly but docile and obedient brother, Sultan Mehmed V who became the figurehead for the CUP. As the temples of Greece and Rome had collapsed from earthquakes, so this Empire was collapsing from the failure of leadership. By the outbreak of WW1 it was known as “the sick man of Europe”. It had lost expensive wars, was broke and its military disorganised and ill-equipped. The Balkans and Greece had gone back to the inhabitants. The French, Italians and British had taken Africa. The Russians had re- occupied their Black Sea coast. Britain had formed an alliance with Russia two decades before and Germany was the Empire’s new suitor, but hesitant to tell the Ottomans of its dream to create its own Empire into Asia Minor and Africa at the expense of the Ottomans. In the deserts the Arabs were stirring more revolt – the Hashemites were ready to revolt, the Rashids were ‘on-side’ with the Ottomans but the Indrissi and Sauds were not supportiveof either side. 3 The Empire was crumbling. The Hejaz Railway Despite his failings, Abdul-Hamid did have a bright spot. Except that it eventually became a favourite target of the Arab Revolt. He had ordered the building of the Hejaz Railway from Damascus to Mecca although it was only ever completed to Medina (the second holiest site in Islam) – this being done between late 1900 and 19082. Part of the reasoning for the railway was to enhance the Sultan’s prestige through his charitable donation of a more secure means for Muslims to complete their religious pilgrimage. The Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca3 became much easier, more affordable to the masses and less dangerous with three or four days on a train from Damascus, the new alternative to 40 days through a hostile desert with a paid-for Bedouin safari escort (itself subject to looting, murder and bribery by other Bedouin); or an expensive voyage by ship through the Suez Canal and subject to British favours.