Chapter 3 The Censorship of History and Fact-Finding in Brazil (1964−2018) Antoon De Baets å History was censored in multiple ways in Brazil between 1964 and 2018, and specifically between 1964 and 1985, the period of the mil- itary dictatorship. In a broad sense, history encompasses not only the work of historians but also the work of truth commissions and similar initiatives. These commissions, in producing reports about past injustices, often act as protohistorians who write a first draft of history. This brief overview, consequently, provides some insight into the constraints within which historians and fact-finders had to work in Brazil.1 It mines a database of cases of censorship of history that was compiled over the last three decades and covers most countries in the world for the postwar period until today. Part of it is available on the website of the Network of Concerned Historians. This summary overview is far from exhaustive but sufficiently representative to give a reliable impression of the restrictions placed on historians and human rights data collectors in Brazil since 1964. Historical Writing The military coup of 1964 installed a dictatorship that would last until 1985, although a period of relaxation was initiated in 1979. This was a time of harsh repression, especially during the first decade when the work climate in the universities abruptly changed. Hours after the military coup on 31 March 1964, Eremildo Luiz Viana, historian and director of the National School of Philosophy of the University of Brazil in Rio de Janeiro, occupied Radio MEC (the radio of the Ministry of Education and Culture) with the support of military troops. The radio’s director, historian Maria Yedda Linhares of the same univer- sity, was removed from her post on the accusation of being a ‘fanatic communist’ and of ‘having invited two known communists to be her The Censorship of History and Fact-Finding in Brazil 69 instructors’, including historian Hugo Weiss (who was dismissed him- self). A commission of inquiry, created in May 1964 to investigate this alleged communist infiltration, did not find any evidence. The university’s historians, however, would experience an atmosphere of denouncement and persecution until 1979, when the historians who had been expelled together with Linhares – Eulália Lahmeyer Lobo, a historian of the Americas living in exile, and Manoel Maurício de Albuquerque (Weiss was by now deceased) – were rehabilitated.2 Linhares herself was subjected to seven investigations by the mil- itary police. At a certain moment, she received permission to work in France and Britain. After her return in 1965, she participated in the anti-dictatorial movement. She was then arrested and imprisoned three times. In addition, she was dismissed in April 1969 under Ato Institucional 5 (Institutional Act 5, a military decree) of December 1968. Following protests from French historians, she was released and she went into exile in France where she worked as a historian until 1974. After her return, she was unemployed until 1977 when she started working as a historian of Brazilian agriculture. In the 1980s and 1990s she twice became secretary of education under the governor of Rio de Janeiro.3 A famous episode of history textbook censorship began in February 1964, just weeks before the military coup, and exploded in the weeks after it. The Ministry of Education and Culture had published five volumes of a new ten-volume history textbook series for secondary schools, História nova do Brasil (A New History of Brazil). The books had been written by a group of mostly young history teachers under the supervision of General Nélson Werneck Sodré. Sodré was a Marxist military historian and head of the history department at the Instituto Superior de Estudos Brasileiros (ISEB; Higher Institute of Brazilian Studies). He was considered by many as the official historian of the Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB; Brazilian Communist Party). The controversial textbook series focused on the Brazilian people and emphasized the economic dimension of history. Several newspapers and television channels gave voice to fierce protest against the plan to make the textbook obligatory reading throughout Brazil. In March, ISEB’s premises were broken into, and documents relevant to future volumes stolen. Then came the coup. A decision to reprint two vol- umes that were out of stock and publish subsequent volumes with the Editora Brasiliense in São Paulo met with a hostile reception. The books were indeed edited but seized afterwards because they were said to blacken national heroes and propagate Marxist ideas. As they were deemed subversive, the ministry now withdrew its support. The 70 Antoon De Baets military police investigated the matter, imprisoned and tortured the textbook authors and deprived them of all opportunities to lecture. With the exception of Sodré, they were exiled for many years. The textbooks were confiscated from bookshops, burned and banned, and the ISEB was closed.4 According to my estimate, in 1964 alone, at least nineteen profes- sional historians were dismissed, persecuted or exiled, especially those suspected of left-wing sympathies. The newly installed military cen- sorship affected contemporary history above all: the government did not welcome unofficial analytical studies of current conditions, and publishers consequently shifted to more distant history or issued little on contemporary Brazil. In 1972, for example, journalist and historian Hélio Silva, director of the Centro de Memória Social Brasileira (Centre for Brazilian Social Memory), interrupted the chronological order of the publication plan of his multivolume series on twentieth-century Brazilian political history, in order to avoid description of the sensitive Getúlio Vargas years (1930–45 and 1951–54), especially the period between 1937 and 1945 during which the Vargas government, inspired by Portugal’s Estado Novo (New State), had taken an authoritarian turn. Instead, a volume about the year 1889 (when Brazil turned from an empire into a republic) appeared. Later, in 1977, Silva was one of the intellectuals who presented an anti-censorship petition to the minister of justice.5 Many of the leading historians did not escape the dictator’s grip. Four of the better-known cases were those involving Jânio Quadros, Celso Furtado, José Honório Rodrigues and Caio Prado Jr. Quadros, a lawyer, historian and former president of Brazil (serving in 1961), was deprived of his political rights from 1964 to 1979. Nevertheless, História do povo brasileiro (History of the Brazilian People), a six-volume work of which he was the co-editor, was allowed to be published in São Paulo in 1967. In spite of this, he spent four months in internal exile in 1968 because of his public statements. After the dictatorship, he made a comeback as the mayor of São Paulo.6 Furtado was a dependency economist internationally renowned for his retrospective studies. A minister of planning before the coup, he was forced out of his post and expelled. He went into exile and became a professor at the Sorbonne in Paris. Meanwhile, his work La economía iberoamericana desde la conquista ibérica hasta la revolución cubana (The Ibero-American Economy from the Iberian Conquest until the Cuban Revolution) was banned in Chile after Pinochet’s coup in 1973. Furtado was granted amnesty in 1979 and returned to Brazil, where he eventually became minister of culture.7 Around the time of the 1964 coup, director of The Censorship of History and Fact-Finding in Brazil 71 the National Archives and historian of historiography José Honório Rodrigues was also removed from his post; he went to the United States for brief stints. Despite dire circumstances, he remained a pro- lific author. His collection of essays, História combatente (Combative History), published in 1982 when dictatorial control had become weaker, included previously banned articles on the role of chance in the historical process and the military in the era of Pedro I (1822–31).8 As early as the Vargas era, communist historian and politician Caio Prado Jr had clashed with the powers that be, for which he suffered frequent harassment, interrogation and imprisonment before 1964. His 1966 book A revolução brasileira (The Brazilian Revolution) was understood to have inspired a new generation of urban guerrillas. In 1968, he competed for a chair of Brazilian history, with a thesis entitled História e desenvolvimento: A contribuição da historiografia para a teoria e prática do desenvolvimento brasileiro (History and Development: The Contribution of Historiography to the Theory and Practice of Brazilian Development). According to many, Prado was the best candidate but the contest was never completed because of political interference. In the same year, he was deprived of his political rights and sentenced by a military court to four years and six months of imprisonment for a ‘subversive’ interview in a student magazine. The court was report- edly in doubt about whether the word ‘struggle’ used in the interview actually meant ‘armed struggle’. The sentence was reduced on appeal. Eventually, Prado was imprisoned for almost eighteen months until his acquittal by the Supreme Military Court in 1971.9 Many students and staff of the history and geography department of São Paulo University were purged under the dictatorship. They were accused of participating in so-called ‘parity committees for edu- cational reform’, set up in 1968. One of the victims was Maria Emília Viotti da Costa. In an inquest carried out in 1969, the military police of São Paulo accused her of spreading subversive propaganda in her classes. She was dismissed.10 In protest against this mass dismissal of his colleagues in 1969, leading historian Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, author of Raízes do Brasil (Roots of Brazil; twenty-two editions by 1995), resigned from his post as a professor of the history of Brazilian civilization. Later he declared that, in the absence of a free press, he wanted the departmental minutes to bear witness to these arbitrary official acts.