Searching for Security in the Mystical The Function of Paranormal Beliefs MARTIN R. GRIMMER ver the past two decades, the paranor- mal has enjoyed something of a revival Owithin popular culture. There have been countless books, magazine and newspaper articles, movies, and television programs devoted to topics ranging from UFOs, the Bermuda Triangle, lost continents, Yetis, and Belief in the the Loch Ness monster, to pyramid power, astrology, levitation, telepathy, precognition, paranormal and poltergeists. Sociologist Marcello Truzzi appears to satisfy (1972) suggested that this boom in paranormal interest began around the late sixties, noting some very basic, if that Ouija boards outsold such popular board inconsistent games as Monopoly. human needs. It Lately, the paranormal seems to have mani- fested in the form of the New Age movement— will probably a loose combination of ideas encompassing spir- remain with us itualism, mysticism, alternative healing, and a healthy dose of commercialism. Some may think forever. this is mainly an American phenomenon, but it is estimated that Australians alone now spend $100 million a year on personal-transformation courses that delve deeply into such fringe areas as rebirthing, shamanism, channeling, and crystal healing. To some observers, the New Age movement is seen as a sort of quasi-religious justification for "yuppiedom"—how to make money and feel "really great" about it at the same time. Winter 1992 Research studies worldwide have written on this topic, several themes revealed an extensive belief in and in the human motive to believe can acceptance of the paranormal. In a be identified. survey of the readers of Britain's New First, paranormal beliefs may oper- Scientist magazine, a high proportion ate to reassure the believer that there of whom are reported to hold post- is order and control in what may graduate degrees, Evans (1973) found otherwise appear to be a chaotic that 67 percent believed that ESP was universe (Frank 1977). Indeed, belief either likely or a fact. Surveys in systems provide a framework for the America and Iceland reported by organization and evaluation of new Schmeidler (1985) showed that 51 events and supply guidelines for what percent and 64 percent, respectively, to select and attend to out of the claimed to have had at least one diversity of experience. Findings that experience of ESP. A 1986 Gallup superstition (and paranormal belief in survey of American youths found that general) increases during times of 46 percent believed in ESP, 52 percent uncertainty provide evidence for this in astrology, and 19 percent in witch- human need for reassurance and craft. A 1990 Gallup survey of Amer- control. ican adults found that 49 percent Zimmer (1984), for example, lists believed in ESP, 49 percent in devil- a variety of superstitious behaviors possession, 36 percent in telepathy, engaged in by athletes preparing for and 25 percent in astrology (Gallup sporting events. Necessarily, this and Newport 1991). New Zealand behavior serves to suppress anxiety psychologists David Marks and and increase the faith in personal Richard Kammann (1980) surveyed success. Similar behavior may be their psychology students and observed in students prior to an reported that 80 percent believed that examination and in people employed mental telepathy was fact, more than in dangerous occupations, such as 50 percent believed in astral projec- airline pilots. tion, and 33 percent believed in witchcraft. My own research at the Malinowski (1954) described the University of Queensland (Grimmer superstitious behavior of a tribe of and White 1990) revealed that 47 Trobiand Islanders (from Papua New percent of students considered the Guinea). He stated that fishing in their evidence strong or very strong for quiet lagoon was considered a routine ESP; 50 percent, for the Bermuda activity. However, fishing trips into Triangle; 34 percent, for UFOs; 36 the more dangerous open sea were percent, for astrology; and 19 percent, accompanied by elaborate supersti- for astral projection. tious rituals. Similar origins of preg- nancy superstitions among northern The present climate of paranormal Australian aborigines have been noted interest is without a doubt a phenom- by Pearn and Sweet (1977). Kaagan enon of particular psychological and (1984) noted a proliferation of belief sociological importance. Indeed, Rus- in astrology and pseudoscience in sell and Jones (1980) argue that the general accompanying the economic apparent persistence of such beliefs, and social chaos of Germany in the despite major advances in scientific 1930s. The authoritarian appeal of understanding and education, attests Hitler and the Nazis undoubtedly had to their function in satisfying some its roots in the need to escape from basic psychological needs. Although this chaos. there has been surprisingly little The illusory control of physical 174 SKEPTICAL INQUIRER, Vol. 16 events serves to alleviate feelings of ern and Central states) had the lowest helplessness and anxiety, and thus number of cult movements, paranor- becomes self-validating (Snow and mal practitioners (including astrolog- Machalek 1982). Certainly, holding an ers, alternative practitioners, and illusion of control may lead to psychics), and subscribers to Fate increased efforts on the part of the magazine (a prime medium of com- believer, thus providing a greater munication for those interested in the frequency of reinforcement than occult). Conversely, those areas in would be achieved by sheer passive- which paranormal interest was high- ness (Sosis, Strickland, and Haley est (the Pacific and Mountain states) 1980). To top it off, the failure of, for showed the lowest level of traditional example, a superstitious ritual to church attendance. In a further study, achieve "control" presents no neces- Bainbridge and Stark (1980a) found sary challenge to the belief system. that people with no religious belief Festinger's (1957) cognitive disson- were more likely than those with ance theory explains how well stronger convictions to believe in rationalization can work here. unconventional ideas (the paranor- A second theme in the human need mal) and more likely to accept Dar- to believe involves equating the win's theory. The authors concluded paranormal with its possibly unwilling that the decline in traditional religion, bedfellow, religion. A belief in the instead of instilling a new scientific paranormal may counteract what rationality, has made way for other might be called "existential anxiety": types of belief. This is a persuasive the prospect of nonexistence, which argument for the need to believe. all humans eventually face (Zusne and As well as the individual psycho- Jones 1982). The paranormal excels in logical functions of belief, there exists its ability to provide antidotes to this to some degree a social function. anxiety. It holds out the promise of Depending on the extent of involve- something beyond, something not yet ment, belief in the paranormal may experienced, something almost seen. serve to bind believers to one another And, in a way, a belief in the para- (Frank 1977). Indeed, a shared belief normal transcends what is seen as the system is important in the main- mundane reality of the physical world. tenance of a cohesive group. There are Evidence for this second function several reasons that people join of paranormal belief has come from groups, including to relieve boredom, the work of sociologists Bainbridge to expand their social activities, and and Stark (1980a; 1980b). These to gain prestige, security, and identity. researchers noticed the continuing Participation in a group also creates decline in adherence to traditional the opportunity to act on one's beliefs. religion and suggested it may no The extent to which the individual's longer be meeting the needs of the social needs are met will depend on population. They hypothesized that the nature of the group, but these the paranormal may have come to groups (ranging from UFO clubs to provide a substitute faith to fill the cult movements and churches) pro- void. In examining this hypothesis, an vide the opportunity for satisfying at analysis was conducted of the major least some of these needs. belief centers in the United States Overall, it appears that a belief in (Bainbridge and Stark 1980b). It was the paranormal intrinsically results in found that the main areas of tradi- the satisfaction of what are very basic, tional church attendance (the South- but to an extent inconsistent, human Winter 1992 175 needs: to seek control and stability Malinowski, B. 1954. Magic, Science and while hoping for mystery and excite- Religion. New York: Doubleday. ment. For this reason the paranormal, Marks. D., and R. Kammann. 1980. The Psychology of the Psychic. Buffalo, N.Y.: although it may fade in and out, will Prometheus Books. probably remain with us forever— Pearn, J., and J. Sweet. 1977. Origins of perhaps a point worth considering for pregnancy superstitions relating to con- those who would wish to convert the genital malformations. Oceania, 68(2): 146-153. public at large to empiricism. Russell, D., and W. H. Jones. 1980. When superstition fails: Reactions to the discon- References tinuation of paranormal beliefs. Person- ality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 6:83- Bainbridge, W. S., and R. Stark. 1980a. 88. Superstitions: Old and new. SKEPTICAL Schmeidler, G. S. 1985. Belief and disbelief INQUIRER , 4(4):18-31. in psi. Parapsychology Review, 16:1-4. 1980b. Client and audience cults in Snow, D. A., and R. Machalek. 1982. On the America. Sociological Analysis, 41(3):199- presumed fragility of unconventional 214. beliefs. Journal for the Scientific Study of Evans, C. 1973. Parapsychology—What the Religion, 21:15-26. questionnaire revealed. New Scientist, Sosis, R. H., B. R. Strickland, and W. E. Haley. 57:209. 1980. Perceived locus of control and Frank, J. D. 1977. Nature and functions of beliefs about astrology, journal of Social belief systems: Humanism and transcen- Psychology, 110:65-71. dental religion. American Psychologist, Truzzi, M.