DEMOGRAPHY© Volume 18, Number 4 November 1981 DISSOLUTION OF FIRST UNIONS IN COLOMBIA, PANAMA, AND PERU Noreen Goldman Food Research Institute, Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305 Abstract-An analysis of marital histories from World Fertility Survey data in Colombia, Panama, and Peru indicates a high level of union dissolution: the probabilities of a first union ending by separation within twenty years of the onset of union equal .27, .40, 'and .18 in the three countries respectively. Dissolution probabilities are especially high among women with young ages at first union and among women residing in urban areas. For all subgroups studied, consensual unions are characterized by several times the risk of separation of legal marriages. Consensual unions are especially frequent among women in rural areas, women with little education and women who enter unions at young ages. The different prevalence of consensual unions among the different subgroups affects the associations between union stability and various correlates so that it becomes essential to investigate the factors affecting union stability for both consensual unions and legal marriages. In spite of high dissolution rates, remarriage rates in all three countries are also high, as are the percentages of time spent in a union. Hence, the potential effects of voluntary disruption of unions on fertility appear to be modest. INTRODUCTION the Dominican Republic in 1970 (Ca­ Increasing attention has been focused misa, 1978). on patterns of marriage formation and The high frequency of consensual dissolution in Latin America. In the ma­ unions in Latin America and the absence jority of studies, a distinction is made of legal responsibilities within such between formal marriages-those with unions suggests a high level of union legal or religious sanction-and consen­ instability in some countries. Numerous sual or common-law unions-unions in studies have analyzed marital dissolution which couples share a household without in Latin America and indicate that sepa­ being formally married. In some coun­ ration or divorce is indeed common in tries, particularly those in Central Amer­ many countries, with consensual unions ica and the Caribbean, a third type of having higher disruption rates than legal union may be recognized in an analysis. marriages in most. The majority of these The "visiting" union, a more informal studies have focused on the implications union than common-law, usually refers of dissolution on fertility-i.e., the ex­ to couples with some "regular" sexual tent to which-marital dissolution and the relations without the sharing of a com­ formation of new unions has suppressed mon household (Roberts and Braith­ or enhanced fertility-while only several waite, 1967). The frequency of informal studies have directly measured the sta­ unions in Latin America may be quite bility of unions or have analyzed the high and may even exceed that offormal correlates of stability. Moreover, those marriages, as was the case for Guatema­ studies which do exist have not been la, Honduras, Panama, EI Salvador, and nationwide but rather have been restrict- 659 Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/demography/article-pdf/18/4/659/905270/659goldman.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 660 DEMOGRAPHY, volume 18, number 4, November 1981 ed to 7 major urban areas in Latin Ameri­ er, the associations are confounded by ca (Centro Latinoamericano de Demo­ limitations in the survey questionnaire grafia (CELADE), 1963-64), to 4 rural which make it impossible to identify le­ areas in Latin America (CELADE, galizations of consensual unions. 1969), or have been based upon data The first part of this paper investigates from family planning clinics. These stud­ trends in and correlates of union stability ies do not permit generalizations on a for all unions-Le., consensual unions national level, and, given the very recent and legal marriages combined. (Visiting changes in nuptiality in Latin America unions were not identified in the survey (Smith, 1980c), may already be outdated. questionnaires for Colombia, Panama, The present study uses data from three and Peru.) For these analyses, the term World Fertility Surveys-Colombia Na­ "union" refers to either type of relation­ tional Fertility Survey, 1976; Peru Na­ ship. The second part investigates differ­ tional Fertility Survey, 1977-78; and entials in stability between consensual Panama Fertility Survey, 1976-to ana­ unions and legal marriages and the ex­ lyze "voluntary" union dissolution, i.e., tent to which the different frequency of dissolution as a result of separation or consensual unions among the various divorce. The goal of the analysis is to subgroups in the population affects the gain a better understanding of union dis­ results obtained for all unions in the first solution in Latin America by isolation of part of the paper. Finally, although the those factors which show a significant focus of the paper is on measurement association with the risk of separation, and correlates of union stability per se, for both legal marriages and consensual the study briefly looks at the pace at unions. Specifically, this study focuses which women reenter unions subsequent attention on: time trends in age at first to the dissolution of first unions and the union and dissolution; characteristics of degree to which the high dissolution union formation such as age at first rates in the three countries result in union, age at first birth, and the presence time lost to reproduction. of premarital births, which have been shown to affect marital disruption rates in Western societies; socioeconomic cor­ BACKGROUND relates of dissolution such as level of The absence of nationwide studies of education and area of residence; differ­ marriage dissolution in Latin America ences in union formation and dissolution must in large part be due to the paucity between consensual and legal unions; of complete or accurate nuptiality data. and finally, the extent to which the dif­ In general, consensual unions are not ferent characteristics of women in the registered in continuous vital registration different union types can account for the systems (Arretx, 1969). In addition, mar­ higher dissolution probabilities associat­ riage dissolution information is not rou­ ed with consensual unions, or the extent tinely collected in censuses, and consen­ to which the higher dissolution probabili­ sual unions are frequently not recorded. ties associated with certain subgroups For example, a recent analysis showed can be accounted for a higher frequency that the prevalence of consensual unions of consensual unions within these sub­ in the 1964 and 1973 Censuses of Colom­ groups. The latter associations are of bia was underestimated by approximate­ course difficult ones to analyze for both ly one-third (Fl6rez and Goldman, 1980). substantive and methodological reasons. In an analysis of marital status and fam­ First, the type of union which couples ily composition in Latin America, Mor­ "choose" is influenced by the couples' tara notes the difficulties of recording social, economic, and cultural setting. and classifying informal unions, e.g., Second, as discussed in more detaillat- only those consensual unions which Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/demography/article-pdf/18/4/659/905270/659goldman.pdf by guest on 25 September 2021 Dissolution of First Unions in Colombia, Panama, and Peru 661 "have a certain character or perma­ about 11 percent for all unions, 8 percent nence" usually get recorded; women are for legal marriages, and 16 percent for more apt to report the existence of such consensual unions. However, in Rosero's unions than are men; and, in certain life tables, women who formed higher cases respondents may report that they order unions reentered the life table at are legally married when they are actual­ their duration since first union. Hence, ly in a "free union" (Mortara, 1964, pp. these probabilitiesdo not provide informa­ 73-74). tive estimates of the stability of first Two series of surveys undertaken by unions. CELADE in the 1960s provide relatively DATA complete data for the areas of study. Surveys carried out in seven Latin The analysis is based on data from the American capital cities (Caracas, Vene­ World Fertility Surveys in Colombia zuela; Mexico City, Mexico; Bogota, (1976), Panama (1976), and Peru (1977­ Colombia; Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; San 78). The surveys are based on national Jose, Costa Rica; Buenos Aires, Argenti­ samples of 3,302, 3,203, and 5,640 ever­ na; and Panama City, Panama) during married women in Colombia, Panama 1963-64 collected data on previous as and Peru respectively, with an age range well as current marital status and sur­ of 15-49 in Colombia and Peru and 20-49 veys carried out in four rural areas (Co­ in Panama. (In addition, the surveys lombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Peru) include 2,076 single women in Colombia in 1969collected a complete marital his­ and 798 single women in Panama.) tory. For each country participating in the The majority of studies concerned World Fertility Survey (WFS), the sur­ with marital dissolution in Latin America vey includes a detailed marriage history. and the Caribbean have measured the Based on a standardized questionnaire, stability of union types only indirectly in interviewers in Latin America collected terms of time lost to reproduction (e.g., information on date of onset and type of Blake, 1955; Braithwaite and Roberts, union, date of dissolution of union and 1961; Chen et al., 1974; Cumper, 1966; reason for dissolution (if the union dis­ Downing and Yaukey, 1979; Ebanks et solved), for each union in a woman's al., 1974; Onaka et al., 1977; Onaka and history. Responses were based upon the Yaukey, 1973; and Ram and Ebanks, following series of questions: 1973). However, two studies, based on 1. In what month and year did you begin data from the CELADE surveys, have to live with your (first, second, etc.) used a life-table approach to measure the husband? stability of unions.