‘Adjusting to Powerlessness’ in Occupied Jerusalem: Theodore “Teddy” Kollek, the Palestinians, and the Organizing Principles of Israeli Municipal Policy, 1967- 1987. By Oscar Jarzmik A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations University of Toronto © Copyright by Oscar Jarzmik 2016 ii ‘Adjusting to Powerless’ in Occupied Jerusalem: Theodore “Teddy” Kollek, the Palestinians, and the Organizing Principles of Israeli Municipal Policy, 1967-1987. Oscar Jarzmik Doctor of Philosophy Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations University of Toronto 2016 Abstract This dissertation examines the art of government on the part of the Israeli Municipality in Jerusalem by tracking its rationalization and implementation from the beginning of the occupation in June 1967 until the breakout of the first Palestinian intifada in December 1987. I argue that local policymakers assumed a uniqueness to the history and sociality of Jerusalem and posited a primordial set of political and cultural traditions among Palestinian residents. These preconceptions encouraged them to develop a particular structure for local government and concomitant blueprint for social/administrative relations. Architects of these policies were Mayor Theodore “Teddy” Kollek and an allied group of municipal functionaries who variously identified their policies as “national-pluralist,” “bi-cultural,” and “mosaic” oriented. They believed that an approach towards consolidating political power in Jerusalem that catered to ancient urban forms and norms would stabilize the occupation over time and cultivate cordial social relations between Jews and Arabs. While concern over international scrutiny towards the Israeli occupation was a factor behind the conceptualization of an administrative model emphasizing accommodation, cultural exchange, and “liberalizing” trends, I stress that Kollek’s vision was considered in itself to be an ethnographically sound and humane strategy toward the civic incorporation of Palestinian residents and the procurement of consent to Israeli domination. This dissertation examines the colonial taxonomy informing Kollek’s vision as well as its materialization through a network of iii institutions and the ways in which it impacted forms of Palestinian engagement with the post-1967 political reality. At the same time, this study illustrates that Kollek’s code for administrative and social conduct was anticipated prior to the Israeli conquest of East Jerusalem. Therefore I begin my analysis during the era of military rule over Palestinians citizens of Israel (1948-1966). I outline the conditions that prompted a gradual (albeit incomplete and glacial) shift in state discourse and policy regarding Palestinian citizens by the mid-1950s, where they went from being strictly objects of military control (enemy population) to subjects of sociological observance and civilian oversight (minorities/”marked citizens”). I argue that Kollek drew on projects and institutions that emerged as a result of this shift to craft an art of government in Jerusalem that complemented settler-colonial objectives and the liberal dispositions of the mayor and his allies. iv Acknowledgments My utmost appreciation goes to my supervisor James Reilly for his encouragement, patience, and guidance over the years. I cannot thank him enough for helping me to see the potential behind my project and reach its end. A special thanks to the members of my thesis committee, Jens Hanssen and Paul Kingston, for their dedication, input, and support along the way. I would like to also thank Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi and Shira Robinson for taking the time to engage with my work and for offering their feedback. I owe an enormous debt of gratitude to my friends and colleagues at the University of Toronto, notably Noa Shaindlinger, Susan Benson-Sökmen, Khalidah Ali, Mathew Gagne, Emily Hemlow, and Kirubhalini Giruparajah. Preparing a dissertation can be a lonely and agonizing process but they helped to make it a positive and enlightening experience. I thank my friends, colleagues, Professors, supervisors, and committee members at the University of Toronto for being a much needed support network as well as a source of knowledge, laughter, and comradery. My stay in Israel/Palestine was made memorable by the wonderful people I met and made friends with along the way. My sincerest thanks go to Mandy Turner, Maida Smeir, Abu Hani, Sami Salah, and Josephine Abu Sa’da at the Kenyon Institute as well as my fellow inmates, notably James Eastwood, George Cregan, Avi Raz, Sean O’Neill, Sophia Vassie, Gautam Bhatia, and (honorary inmate) Sonia Najjar. I thank them all for their friendship and for making me feel at home. I would like to also convey my deepest appreciation to Julie Trottier and her family for their support and hospitality as well as to Nayef Hammoud for providing me a place to stay when I needed it most. A heartfelt thank you (merci!) is owed to Cora Beck, Najla Nakhlé-Cerruti, and Greg Magnier, who were the best flatmates a person could wish for. They helped me through a particularly uncertain time and getting to know them made it that much more difficult to leave for home. I would like to acknowledge the help and support I received while gathering primary materials. I Thank Bashir ‘Abd al-Ghani Barakat and all of the organizers at the Issaf Nashashibi Center for Culture and Literature, Khalil Farhan at the Society of In’ash al-Usra, Abeer al-Mashni at Bir Zeit University, Qasim Harb at the Arab Studies Society, and the archivists and administrators at the Israeli State Archives and the Jerusalem Municipal Archives who helped me navigate their collections. Lastly, I am grateful to the School of Graduate Studies at the University of Toronto and the Andrea and Charles v Bronfman Student Award for the financial support that made my stay in Israel/Palestine possible in the first place. My warmest thanks and love go to my family and friends who supported and believed in me throughout the writing/research process: my parents (Yvonne and Henry Jarzmik), the Peternel family (my sister Cathy, my brother Karl, and my nephew Tristan), the Bulkowski family (Mariola, Jarek, Camila, and Cassandra), the Kisiel family (Ela and Ryszard), and my babcia and dziadek (Helena and Czesław Krawczyk). I will never forget all that they have done for me over the years. I would also like to point out that I would have been crushed by the unrelenting stress that comes with pursuing a PhD if not for my friends/brothers: thanks to Ryan Logan, Grant Brookbanks, Shaun Chiong, Haig Istanboulian, Tyler Tanaka, Omar Hamwi, and Sean Fitzgerald. Last but certainly not least, I would like to express my love and gratitude to my partner and best friend, Marta Kisiel. Her brilliance inspired me to pursue graduate studies in the first place and it is no exaggeration to say that I could not have done it without her encouragement and companionship. vi Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction………………………………………………………………………1 1.1 Marginalization and Minoritization: The Palestinian Citizens of Israel………........10 1.2 Mixed City/Colonial City: Teddy Kollek and the Jerusalem Municipality after June 1967……………………………………………………………………………........18 1.3 Post-1967 Jerusalem: A Liberal-Settler Urban Order?..............................................20 1.4 Intervention into the Larger Body of Academic Study on Post-1967 Jerusalem…...25 1.5 The Israeli Municipality of Jerusalem as Reflected in the Scholarly Discourse........29 1.6 Overview of Thesis Chapters………………………………………………………..45 Chapter 2: The Palestinian Citizens of Israel: From Enemy Population to Minority................................................................................................................48 2.1 The Palestinians in the Aftermath of the nakba…………………………………......54 2.2 State-Organized Arab-Jewish Encounter and the Limits to Palestinian Integration...59 2.3 The Emergence of the Jewish-Arab Summer Camps Program……………………...64 2.4 The Move to ‘Akka (Acre) and the Expansion of the Summer Camps Program……68 2.5 Constructing the Ideal Minority: Palestinian Participation in Co-Existence Initiatives……………………………………….……………………………………83 2.6 Integration or Transformation? The Binational Visions of Rustam Bastuni and Muhammad Hubeishi………………………………………………………………..91 Chapter 3: Teddy Kollek’s Jerusalem…………………………………………………...100 3.1 “Population-Centric” Counter-Insurgency and the Colonial Taxonomy of Palestinian Jerusalem…………………………………………………………………………..106 3.2 Palestinian Adjustment and the ‘Psychological Unification’ of Jerusalem………...117 3.3 The History of Jerusalem according to Kollek……………………………………..131 3.4 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….139 Chapter 4: Ethnopsychiatry and the Jerusalem Municipality………………….........141 vii 4.1 Gerald Caplan goes to Jerusalem…………………………………………………...149 4.2 Colonial Power and the “Change Agent”…………………………………………..156 4.3 Gerald Caplan’s Psycho-Social Profile of Palestinian Jerusalem………………….159 4.4 The May 1970 Tax Strike: A Case Study into the “Arab Mentality”……………...167 4.5 Ethnopsychiatry and Israeli Colonial Praxis……………………………………….176 4.6 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….188 Chapter 5: The Jerusalem Foundation and the “City of Peace”…………………….190 5.1 Musrara and the “New City”……………………………………………………….198 5.2 From “No Man’s Land” to Meeting Point………………………………………….212 5.3 Meditran: The Association for the Enhancement of Cultural and Social Relations in Jerusalem…………………………………………………………………………...220