The Two Sonnets about the Loss of La Goleta (Don Quixote, 1, 40), in the Context of the 'Tale of the Captive Captain' Carlos Mata Induráin GRISO-University of Navarre As is the common knowledge, during the Golden Age, Cervantes' poetry was not published in its entirety, compiled in a book, rather it was scattered to a great extent throughout his narrative works. This is also the case with La Galatea, work which by its generic definition pastoral novel combines two styles - prose and poetry. This is also found in the Exemplary Novels, the Persiles, and the Don Quixote in which the author finds a place for his numerous lyrical compositions. AH the poems included in Cervantes' narrative not only serve as a decorative rhetoric or for aesthetic purpose, but they usually play an important structural role within the narrative in which they are ínserted or within the global unít of the work in question. An important example of this is the sonnet about the Portuguese lover, Manuel de Sosa Coitiño, from Book 1 of the Persiles, a sonnet in which Casalduero saw the essence of the adventure novel, according to his allegorical­ symbolic interpretation of it as a whole. The same could be said about the sonnet that is dedicated to Preciosa from La gitanilla or about Cardenio and Lotario's sonnets, in its respective contexts in the Don Quixote. As we know the story of the crossed love of Carlos Mata lnduráin Cardenio, Luseinda, Dorotea and Don Fernando is inserted in the novel, The Curious lmpertineni. In tbis study I propose to analyse tbe two sonnets tbat are dedieated to tbe loss of La Goleta tbat appears at the beginning of the ehapter 1, 40 of Don Quixote 2 and are grounded within the narrative eontext of the tale about the eaptive. My study will not be about the inserted novel, whieh eonstitutes the narrative framework and is supported by abundant bibliograpby3. I will limit myself by noting that Ruy Pérez de Viedma's plot provides the eontext for the sonnets from two perspeetives: one, it serves as a literary framework (it is a plot which also forms part of a greater narrative­ in wbieh the poems are inserted) and, at the same time, it offers the historie eontext in whieh the aetions that are alluded to take place (the Mediterranean campaigns earried out by Felipe 11). Within the novel's fietional level, the authorship of the sonnets is attributed to Pedro de Aguilar, the fietitious Andalusian alférez, and partner of tbe captive Ruy Pérez de Viedma. Therefore, in the figure of this soldier-poet we once more find the debate about the arms and letters (it should be noted that Don Quixote pronounced a speeeh on this theme in chapter 1, 38, and after this, a symbolic embrace between the captain and his brother the lfidor takes place showing the man of arms and the man of letters). The 1 See Mata 2004 and 2005. 2 AH quotes will be taken from Francisco Rico' s edition of the Instituto Cervantes. Translation of the quotes is taken from Don Quixote, transo by Peter Motteux, The Modem Library, New York, 1950. 3 See Avalle-Arce, 1975, Baquero Escudero, 2005; Camamis, 1977; Chevalier, 1983; García, 1973; González López, 1972; Márquez Villanueva, 1975; Meregalli, 1972; Morón Arroyo, 1983; Oliver Asín, 1947-1948; Parodi, 1991; Percas de Ponseti, 1975; Zimic, 1998, etc. 124 The Two Sonnets about the Loss Goleta two sonnets are each constructed as epitaphs dedicated to the Spanish soldiers that died in 1574 inLa Goleta and its fort. The background theme in both texts is the immortality that is achieved by those soldiers that have heroically fallen in defense of Christianity: they have been defeated in combat, but at the end they are victorious because it is their memory that will outlast them: they have died, but they wi11 live etemally because they have achieved glory in heaven. The heroic soldier, who was also Miguel de Cervantes, could not stop from praising the exemplary worth of those soldiers, his cornrades, fallen in defense of La Goleta. Considering them from an aesthetíc point of view, more than from its lyrical quality, these two sonnets are c10ser to the style known 4 as Mannerism • They are emphasised by their artful character with a formal articulatíon based on diverse oppositions: life/death; body/soul; falll rise; earthl heaven, etc. La Goleta -a city in Tunis located nine kilometers east of the capital, on the shore of the Gulf of Tunis- was the strongest marine town in the area, in vírtue of its impressionable fort that was known for being invincible, as noted by Cervantes in the tale of the captive. La Goleta had been conquered by Carlos V in 1535. The arrny that acquired it during the assault was cornmanded by the Emperor himself5, and during that event Garcilaso de la Vega was injured. After having been recovered it was made into a fortified town and arsenal with a provision of Spanish 'soldados viejos' - the famed veterans -. The strategic 10catÍon of this North African prison was very important during that time since the 4 Regarding Mannerism in Cervantes' poetry, see Caso González, 1983 and Ruiz Pérez, 1985. 5 See Kohler, 2000, pp. 257-58. 125 Carlos Mata Induráin OUoman Empire under Soliman the Magnificent -in alliance with the berberisco bandit Barbarroja- was expanding throughout the 6 Western Mediterranean • After being recovered by the Turks some time later, La Goleta was occupied once again in October 1573 and on this occasion by Don Juan de Austria's troops. One can say that it was one of the few rnilitary crops that were harvested after the victory of Lepanto in 1571. This time the name of the fortified town would be quite ephemeral, since ayear after, in 1574 it was to be taken back by the Ottomans. As Fernández Álvarez remembers: In 1573, Felipe II authorised Don Juan to occupy Tunisia, which he carried out in a quick campaign the same year. The only visible prize in líeu of the Lepanto victory: regaining control of those places which were once in possession of Carlos V, particularly the famous La Goleta, and give the reign of the Tunisian kingdom in the hands of the principality - M uley Hamet. However, that did not last long. In 1547, with Don Juan of Austria who was out of tbis game in Milan, it was difficult for Euldj - Ali to occupy once again the Tunisian territory and Don Juan could hardly do anything to regain it.? The two sonnets that 1 will comment on are placed at the beginning of chapter 1, 40, entitled, 'Donde se prosigue la historia del cautivo' (where the story of the captive continues), and they are inserted halfway into the plot lineo In fact, Ruy Pérez de Viedma 6 Fernández Álvarez, 2000, pp. 502-13. 7 Fernandez Alvarez, 2004, p. 478 126 The Two Sonnets about the ÚJss Goleta has narrated his participation in Lepamos, an event in which he 10st his freedom. Later, a reference was made to his presence in Navarin09 while being on a Turkish ship. After his eulogy of don Álvaro de Bazán, Marqués de Santa Cruz, he alludes to 'la presa de La Presa' and also recounts his transfer to Constantinople in 1573. Hence, it narra tes how don Juan de Austria, after having won Tunís, hands over the territory to his North-African ally, Muley Hamet. But the Great Turk, after signing the peace treaty with the Venetians, promptly began an enterprise to win over La Goleta and his fort: The Year after, which was 1574, he attacked the Goletta, and the Fort which Don Juan had begun, but not aboye half finished, before Tunis. [ ... ] La Goletta and the Fort were both taken, after sorne Resistance; the Turkish Army consisting of 75000 Turks in Pay, and aboye 400000 Moors and Arabs out of all Africa near the Sea; with such Provisions of War of all kinds, and so many Pioneers, that they might have covered the Goletta and the Fort with Earth by Handfuls.(I,39) It is, then, the captive himself who is going to provide us with the historical context of the events that are alluded to in the two sonnets that wilI later be introduced. Ruy makes it cIear in his story that the loss of the fort cannot in any way be attributed to its defenders. As we saw, after pondering over the eIevated number of attackers, he adds this complementary explanation: 8 With these words it evokes transcendente victory: 'aquel día, que fue para la cristiandad tan dichoso, porque en él se desengañó el mundo y todas las naciones del error en que estaban creyendo que los turcos eran invencibles por la mar' (p. 454). 9 Cervantes regrets fue fact that victory obtained in Lepanto was overlooked: 'Vi y noté la ocasión que allí se perdió de no coger en el puerto toda el armada turquesca' (p. 455). 127 Carlos Mata lnduráin Goletta was first taken, though always before reputed impregnable; and it was not lost by any Fault of its Defenders, who did all that could be expected from them; but because it was found by experience, that it was practicable to make Trenches in that sandy Soil, which was thought to have Water under it within two Foot, but the Turks sunk aboye two Yards and found none; by which Means fiUing Sacks with Sand, and laying them on one another, they raised them so high, that they over-top't and com­ manded the Fort, in which neme could be safe, nor show them­ selves upon the Walls.