Apperception and Linguistic Contact Between German and Afrikaans By

Apperception and Linguistic Contact Between German and Afrikaans By

Apperception and Linguistic Contact between German and Afrikaans By Jeremy Bergerson A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in German in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Irmengard Rauch, Co-Chair Professor Thomas Shannon, Co-Chair Professor John Lindow Assistant Professor Jeroen Dewulf Spring 2011 1 Abstract Apperception and Linguistic Contact between German and Afrikaans by Jeremy Bergerson Doctor of Philosophy in German University of California, Berkeley Proffs. Irmengard Rauch & Thomas Shannon, Co-Chairs Speakers of German and Afrikaans have been interacting with one another in Southern Africa for over three hundred and fifty years. In this study, the linguistic results of this intra- Germanic contact are addressed and divided into two sections: 1) the influence of German (both Low and High German) on Cape Dutch/Afrikaans in the years 1652–1810; and 2) the influence of Afrikaans on Namibian German in the years 1840–present. The focus here has been on the lexicon, since lexemes are the first items to be borrowed in contact situations, though other grammatical borrowings come under scrutiny as well. The guiding principle of this line of inquiry is how the cognitive phenonemon of Herbartian apperception, or, Peircean abduction, has driven the bulk of the borrowings between the languages. Apperception is, simply put, the act of identifying a new perception as analogous to a previously existing one. The following central example to this dissertation will serve to illustrate this. When Dutch, Low German, and Malay speakers were all in contact in Capetown in the 1600 and 1700s, there were three mostly homophonous and synonymous words they were using. The Dutch knew banjer 'very', the Low Germans knew banni(g) 'very, tremendous, extraordinary', and the Malays knew banja(k) 'many, a lot, often, very'. All of these words can be considered the source for the modern Afrikaans hybrid word baie 'many, much, often, very', based on earlier banja or banje. These two forms are very close in sound and meaning to banjer, banni(g), and banja(k), and consequently when, for example, a Malay speaker heard a Low German say banni(g), he apperceived it as Malay banja(k). Likewise when a Low German speaker heard the Dutch word banjer, he apperceived it is as banni(g), and so on with all potential interlocutors. The ultimate form of the word is a compromise hybrid between them all, namely banje, which was motivated by the ease with which these three source words were apperceived by the respective speakers, as well as by their semantic similarity, which was also easily apperceived. Bearing in mind the workings of apperception, Cape Dutch/Afrikaans and Namibian German are perfect case studies for intra-Germanic linguistic contact. Parallel developments, whether arrived at independently or by shared genesis, will reinforce one another in contact, a situation which must have played itself out all throughout the history of contact between Germanic languages. Whether it was Burgundian influence on Franconian, Old Frisian on Old English, Danish on Faroese, the role of apperception must have been great in these cases of linguistic contact. In the case of German and Afrikaans in Southern Africa, the well- documented archival and printed texts put the linguist in a favorable position to examine and elucidate the nature of this linguistic contact, as one will note in the study at hand. i TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION CHAPTER II: LINGUISTIC CONTACT AND APPERCEPTION 2.1 The Problem of Nomenclature: mixture, borrowing, interference and transfer 2.2 The Act of Borrowing 2.2.1 An old-established language comes in contact with a new one: Afrikaans and English 2.2.2 A language of recent immigrants comes in contact with the language of the colony: German and Afrikaans 2.2.3 The language of a prestige group in contact with that of a totally subordinated one: German and Rehobother Afrikaans 2.2.4 The influence of a written language on a spoken one: Standard Dutch and Afrikaans 2.3 Language Differential vs. Dialect Contact 2.4 Types of Lexical Borrowing 2.4.1 Categories of Loans 2.4.1.1 The Loanword 2.4.1.2 The Loanshift 2.5 Apperception/Abduction 2.5.1 Apperception in borrowing 2.5.2 Profundity of apperceived forms in borrowing 2.5.3 Apperception and words with multiple sources PART ONE: GERMAN AND CAPE DUTCH IN THE CAPE COLONY, CA. 1660 – 1810 CHAPTER III: AN EXTERNAL HISTORY OF GERMAN AND CAPE DUTCH, CA. 1660 – 1810 3.0 Introduction 3.1 A Demography of German Immigration to the Cape 3.2 Jan van Riebeeck's Time, 1652-1662 3.3 Wagenaer to Van der Stel, 1662-1708 3.4 Van der Stel to Midcentury, 1708-1750 3.5 Final Half-Century of Dutch Rule, 1750-1806 3.6 Places of Origin in Europe 3.7 Interpretations of the Role of the Germans in Cape Society CHAPTER IV: AN INTERNAL HISTORY OF GERMAN AND CAPE DUTCH, CA. 1660 – 1810 4.0 Introduction 4.1 Scholarship on the German influence on Afrikaans 4.1.1 The Scholarly Debate, from Changuion to Kloeke 4.1.1.1 A.N.E. Changuion, Proeve van Kaapsch Taaleigen, 1848 4.1.1.2 N. Mansvelt, Proeve van een Kaapsch-Hollandsch Idioticon, 1885 4.1.1.3 H. Schuchardt's Review of Mansvelt, 1885 4.1.1.4 D.C. Hesseling, Het Afrikaansch, 1899 4.1.1.5 D.B. Bosman, Afrikaans en Maleis-Portugees, 1916 ii 4.1.1.6 J.J. le Roux, Handleiding in het Afrikaans voor Nederlanders, 1921 4.1.1.7 S.P.E. Boshoff, Volk en Taal van Suid-Afrika, 1921 4.1.1.8 D.B. Bosman, Oor die Ontstaan van Afrikaans, 1923 4.1.1.9 D.C. Hesseling, Het Afrikaans, 1923 4.1.1.10 S.P.E. Boshoff, Etimologiese Woordeboek van Afrikaans, 1936 4.1.1.11 G.G. Kloeke, Herkomst en Groei van het Afrikaans, 1950 4.1.1.12 Summary 4.1.2 A Close Look at the German Loans in Afrikaans 4.1.2.1 AANDAG 'family prayers' 4.1.2.2 BALDERJAN 'valerian' 4.1.2.3 BLAS 'sallow, olive-colored' 4.1.2.4 BLITS 'lightening' 4.1.2.5 (GANS EN) GAAR 'completely' 4.1.2.6 JAARHONDERD 'century' 4.1.2.7 KOEËL 'bullet' 4.1.2.8 LAER 'camp (mil.)' 4.1.2.9 NIKSNUTS 'good-for-nothing' 4.1.2.10 OMSONS 'in vain, for nothing' 4.1.2.11 OORWAKS 'box on the ears' 4.1.2.12 PEITS 'driving-whip', PIETS 'to whip' 4.1.2.13 (BY MY) SIX 'very truly' 4.1.2.14 STOLS 'proud, haughty' 4.1.2.15 STRAWASIE 'difficulty; din, disorder' 4.1.2.16 SWERNOOT, SWERNOTER 'blackguard' 4.1.2.17 (UIT)WIKS 'to hit' 4.1.2.18 VEELS GELUK! 'congratulations!, good luck!' 4.1.2.19 VERFOES 'to bungle' 4.1.2.20 WERSKAF 'to potter about' 4.1.3 An Even Closer Look at Two Afrikaans Borrowings from German 4.1.3.1 BOESMAN 'Bushman, San' 4.1.3.2 DIE 'the' 4.1.4 Apperception and Borrowings from German 4.1.5 Interpreting the Impact of German on Afrikaans 4.2 The Low German element 4.2.1 J.J. le Roux, Handleiding in het Afrikaans voor Nederlanders, 1921 4.2.2 S.P.E. Boshoff, Volk en Taal van Suid-Afrika, 1921 4.2.3 G.G. Kloeke, Herkomst en Groei van het Afrikaans, 1950 4.2.4 G.S. Nienaber, Oor Afrikaans, Tweede Deel, 1953 4.2.5 E.-M. Siegling, Die Verwandtschaft zwischen Afrikaans und den niederdeutschen Dialekten Norddeutschlands, 1957 4.2.6 F.D. du Plooy, Einige Beobachtungen zu niederdeutschen Einschlägen im Afrikaansen, 1966; Moontlike Raakpunte tussen Platduits en Afrikaans, 1981 4.2.7 M.C.J. Van Rensburg, Ooglopende Raakpunte tussen Afrikaans en Platduits, 1988; E. Kotzé, ’n Fonologiese verkenning van die Nederduitse dialekte – ’n Afrikaanse perspektief, 1994 4.2.8 Summary 4.3 The Etymology of BAIE 4.3.1 The Synchrony of BAIE 4.3.2 The Textual Tradition of BAIE iii 4.3.3. Theories on the Origin of BAIE 4.3.3.1 The French Theory 4.3.3.2 The Malay Theory 4.3.3.3 The Low German Theory 4.3.3.4 The Apperception-Based Reconciliation Theory 4.4 Conclusion PART TWO: GERMAN AND AFRIKAANS IN NAMIBIA, CA. 1840 – PRESENT CHAPTER V: AN EXTERNAL HISTORY OF AFRIKAANS AND GERMAN IN NAMIBIA, CA. 1840 – PRESENT 5.0 Introduction 5.1 The Speakers of Namibian German 5.2 Afrikaans in Namibia: Namas, Oorlams, Basters and Afrikaners 5.3 German in Namibia: Missionaries, Soldiers and Colonists 5.4 Three Regional Studies: the South, the Center, and the North of Namibia 5.4.1 The South: German Missionaries, Namas, Oorlams and Cape Afrikaners 5.4.2 The Center of Namibia: Germans, Basters and Afrikaners 5.4.3 The North of Namibia: Germans, Dorslandtrekkers and Angola Boers 5.5 German-Language Schools in Namibia, 1915-present 5.6 Conclusion CHAPTER VI: AN INTERNAL HISTORY OF AFRIKAANS AND GERMAN IN NAMIBIA, CA. 1840 – PRESENT 6.0 Introduction 6.1 The Afrikaans Varieties of Namibia: Oranjerivierafrikaans, Dorslandafrikaans, Standard Afrikaans 6.1.1 Oranjerivierafrikaans 6.1.2 Dorslandafrikaans 6.1.3 Standard Afrikaans 6.2 The Periodization of Namibian German 6.2.1 The Missionary Period: ca. 1840-1884 6.2.2 The Period of German Colonial Rule: 1884-1915 6.2.3 The Period of South African Rule: 1915-1990 6.2.4 The Period of Namibian Independence: 1990-present 6.3 Etymological Notes on a few Namibian German Words 6.4 Apperception and Borrowings in Namibian German 6.5 Conclusion CHAPTER VII: CONCLUSION WORKS CITED APPENDIX A: CAPE DUTCH LETTERS WRITTEN BY GERMANS iv APPENDIX B: THE BAIE-POLEMIC IN DE VOLKSTEM, 1908-1909 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Speakers of German and Dutch have been interacting with one another in the Southern African theater since 1652.

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