Japanese Transit-Oriented Development: The Framed Market and the Production of Alternative Landscapes A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Justin Price Jacobson IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Judith A. Martin and Roger P. Miller May 2010 © Justin Price Jacobson Acknowledgements The completion of this dissertation would not have been possible without assistance. I would like to thank the National Science Foundation and the Japan Foundation for fellowships used for the research and writing stages of the project. The SSRC Japan Studies Dissertation Workshop was another valuable source of support and encouragement. I would like to thank the following mentors for their help in various stages: Judith Martin and Roger Miller, who served as advisors for my graduate education and as readers of this dissertation; Ann Forsyth, who sponsored me through various research assistantships and agreed to be a reader; and Rod Squires, who chaired the examination. I also thank Abdi Samatar, whose research development class was instrumental in preparing the research proposal for this dissertation. My graduate school colleagues have been a tremendous help in encouraging me and offering their guidance. Although there are many I could name, I would especially like to thank Max Handler, Jonathan Schroeder and Tim Mennel. In Tokyo, I have benefited form the guidance of my faculty advisor at the University of Tokyo, Junichiro Okata, as well as Hideki Koizumi and Rikutaro Manabe. I also appreciate the help of various librarians at the University of Tokyo, especially the Department of Urban Engineering Library, as well as the National Diet Library and Setagaya Ward Central Library. Finally, I am most thankful and appreciative of my family for their encouragement and support. I owe a great deal of gratitude to Judith Musick, who helped i with the maps and proofreading. Issei's permanent smile provided the perfect antidote to the work of writing. Most of all, this dissertation would not have been possible without Yukari. Thank you for all you have done and all that you help me do. ii Dedication For Yukari iii Abstract America‘s dominant pattern of automobile-dependent suburban land use is the target of much criticism. Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) has emerged as an alternative to the status quo, but has also launched a polarized debate on whether TOD is a necessary market correction or inefficient government meddling in the ―free market.‖ In Japan, however, TOD-style metropolitan landscapes are the rule rather than the exception and, paradoxically, have emerged with little in the way of state-led land use planning and private, rather than public, transit systems. This dissertation analyzes the development transit-oriented development in Japan, with specific attention to the role of government, via railway policy, urban planning policy and other institutional factors, in enabling and shaping ostensibly ―free‖ market forces. iv Table of Contents List of Tables vii List of Figures viii Notes on Japanese Terms and Spelling x Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.1 Futako Tamagawa 2 1.2 The Conundrum 13 1.3 Thesis Outline 19 Chapter Two: Literature Review 25 2.1 Planning vs. Markets 25 2.2 The Standard Debate 39 2.3 Economic Institutionalism 51 2.4 The Framed Market 62 Chapter Three: Methodology and Sources 70 3.1 Methodology 70 3.2 Setagaya and Tōkyū 74 3.3 Notes on Sources 89 Chapter Four: The Beginnings of Japanese Transit-Oriented Suburbia 101 4.1 Early History of Edo 101 4.2 1870s and 1880s 108 4.3 1890s 124 4.4 1900s 132 v 4.5 The Era of Incipient Suburbanization 149 Chapter Five: The Peak of Japanese Transit-Oriented Suburbia 154 5.1 1910 to 1923 154 5.2 The Great Kantō Earthquake 178 5.3 1923 to 1930 182 5.4 1930 to 1945 203 5.5 The Era of Peak Suburban Growth 215 Chapter Six: The Maturation of Japanese Transit-Oriented Suburbia 221 6.1 1945 to 1950 221 6.2 1950s 232 6.3 1960s 254 6.4 1970s 277 6.5 The Era of Suburban Maturation 281 Chapter Seven: Conclusion 286 7.1 Market or State? 286 7.2 Learning from Japanese Transit-Oriented Development 297 Bibliography 306 Appendix A: Alternative Theories of Urban Policy 326 vi List of Tables Table 1.1: Tōkyū‘s Profitability by Sector, Fiscal Year 2009 9 Table 3.1: Differentiation of Three Research Scales 73 Table 4.1: Total Length of Railway Lines, 1880-1890, in miles 113 Table 4.2: Total Length of Railway Lines, 1890-1900, in miles 126 Table 4.3: Total Length of Railway Lines, 1898-1905, in miles 134 Table 5.1: Zone and Height Restrictions in the 1919 City Planning Law 166 Table 5.2: Population Increase in Tokyo Prefecture, 1920-1929 197 Table 5.3: Population Increase in Setagaya, 1920-1940 210 Table 6.1: Population of Tokyo Prefecture, 1945-1960 237 Table 6.2: Indexed Population Growth at Five Scales, 1950-1960 252 Table 6.3: Population of Tokyo Prefecture, 1960-1970 258 Table 6.4: Population Growth at Six Scales, 1955-1970, indexed from 1955 268 Table 6.5: Population Growth at Six Scales, 1955-1970, indexed from 1955 282 vii List of Figures Figure 1.1: Conceptual Drawing of Future Futako Tamagawa Station (Tōkyū Land Corporation 2009a). 2 Figure 1.2: Retail and Office building adjacent to Futako Tamagawa Station of Futako Tamagawa Station (Tōkyū Land Corporation 2009a). 2 Figure 1.3: The Galleria at Futako Tamagawa (Tōkyū Land Corporation 2009a). 4 Figure 1.4: Interior View of the Galleria (Tōkyū Land Corporation 2009a). 4 Figure 1.5: Residence Towers viewed from the south (Tōkyū Land Corporation 2009b). 5 Figure 1.6: Model of the final project, with phase II (Tōkyū Corporation 2009a) 6 Figure 1.7: Map of Tokyo Metropolis, highlighting Setagaya Ward 7 Figure 1.8: Map of Tōkyū lines in the Tokyo Metropolis (Tōkyū Corporation 2009a) 9 Figure 1.9: Tokorozawa Station area (Arai 2005) 12 Figure 3.1: Political Units of Tokyo Prefecture 80 Figure 3.2: Center City Wards (Dark Grey) and Suburbs (Light Grey) in Tokyo Prefecture, showing Yamanote Train Line 84 Figure 3.3: Map of Setagaya Ward, showing train lines 88 Figure 4.1: Railways in Tokyo 1895 (adapted from Yamamoto 1993, 119) 125 Figure 4.2: Setagaya Ward in 1912 (Tōkyū Corporation 2009b) 148 Figure 4.3: Early growth of Setagaya (Japanese Statistics Bureau 2009b) 151 Figure 5.1: Railways in Tokyo, 1920 (adapted from Yamamoto 1993, 119) 157 Figure 5.2: Plan for Tamagawadai (Nihon Jutaku Sōgō Centā 1984) 185 Figure 5.3: Downtown Wards and Peripheral Wards in Tokyo 201 Figure 5.4: Population change, 1920-1930 (Tokyo Prefectural Statistics Bureau 2006) 202 Figure 5.5: Railways in Tokyo, 1940 (adapted from Yamamoto 1993, 119) 207 viii Figure 5.6: Population change, 1920-1940 (Tokyo Prefectural Statistics Bureau 2006) 216 Figure 6.1: Aftermath of aerial bombing of Tokyo (Selden 2007) 221 Figure 6.2: Plan for the Reconstruction of Tokyo (Hoshino 1946, 6). 226 Figure 6.3: The Pacific Belt 236 Figure 6.4: Schematic diagram showing through service between three separate lines 251 Figure 6.5: Futako Tamagawa Station area prior to redevelopment, ca. late 1950s (Tōkyū Corporation 2009b) 254 Figure 6.6: Railways in Tokyo, 1960 (adapted from Yamamoto 1993) 264 ix Notes on Japanese Terms and Spelling Japanese words can be rendered in different ways in English. I have chosen to use macrons, or long vowel marks, to represent cases in which there are two consecutive vowels in Japanese. For example, the company ―とうきゅう‖ is translated here as ―Tōkyū,‖ even though the more literal translation of each character would be ―Toukyuu.‖ The literal translation, when pronounced in English, would be significantly different from the sound in Japanese, however. The macrons above the o and the u are used in the standard Hepburn translation system to indicate slight elongations of those vowels without doubling. The result is a more accurate reading in English. Some other translations omit the macrons entirely, resulting in ―Tokyu,‖ but this can cause problems in some words when such a spelling would conflate the intended word with another one. However, I have not used the long vowel marks for names of cities and other terms that are commonly used in English. For example, though the urban region of Tokyo and the city of Osaka should be translated as Tōkyō and Ōsaka, they are widely known to English speakers as just Tokyo and Osaka and have been left in that form. x Chapter One: Introduction This thesis analyzes the success of transit-oriented development (t.o.d.) in Japan and its historical, political and geographical development. It is especially concerned with the ―free market‖ paradox of Japanese t.o.d. in which the private sector has built, managed and profited from this type of transportation and land use pattern, contrary to views of transit-oriented development in the United States which generally maintain that t.o.d. can only come about with the help of government-led planning. To restate this as a research question, how did private industry led, transit-oriented development come about in Japanese suburbs, given that the U.S. debate holds that t.o.d. is inherently an anti- market phenomenon? To answer this question, I have adopted an institutionalist approach focusing on how markets are formed and maintained, and which calls into question mainstream understandings of the terms ―free market‖ and ―government intervention.‖ Unlike Liberalism and Keynesianism, the two political perspectives that dominate current debate, institutionalism holds that markets and states are not conflicting, autonomous entities, but rather that markets are inextricably embedded in state structures and take their shape from conditions supplied and determined by the public sector.