Mikael Adolphson, Anne Commons, eds.. Lovable Losers: The Heike in Action and Memory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2015. 284 pp. $55.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8248-4675-6. Reviewed by Naama Eisenstein Published on H-Buddhism (January, 2016) Commissioned by Erez Joskovich (Department of Philosophy Ben-Gurion University of the Negev) The close relationship of religion and politics and had the power to give new life to fgures al‐ in medieval Japan is well known and studied. In most forgotten by history. this new publication several scholars examine the Lovable Losers is the result of a four-year calculated combination of religious politics and process, beginning with an international confer‐ faith in Taira no Kiyomori’s (1118-81) rise to pow‐ ence in 2011 focusing on the Heike family and er. Due to its interdisciplinary nature, this book their cultural legacy. The discussions from that may not seem relevant to scholars of Japanese conference echo in the book even for those who, Buddhism at frst, but it is precisely that nature like me, were not lucky enough to participate in it. that exposes just how deeply embedded was Bud‐ The common ground of the chapters is laid out in dhism in premodern Japan. Kiyomori has been a well-written introduction, which surveys the immortalized as a temperamental and selfish chapters and clarifies the intentions and aims of tyrant, but from Lovable Losers he emerges a the writers, unifying twelve different papers into sharp leader, who understood well the religious, one coherent book. The book has two parts: the political, and social workings of his time, as well first focuses on the Heike and their activities dur‐ as how to use and adapt them. Patronage of reli‐ ing their prime in the late twelfth century; the gious centers and ceremonies was not only a key second part follows the image and memoraliza‐ point in Kiyomori and his kin’s strategies, but also tion of the Heike from the aftermath of the Genpei in the actions of their enemies in the aftermath of War to modern times. As the editors point out, the the Taira demise at the Genpei War (1180-85). differentiation is not quite clear in the years fol‐ Many of these religious acts were an expression of lowing the Genpei War because much of the the amalgamation of Buddhism and the local memorialization activity of the fallen Heike was kami worship, highlighting their unity. But reli‐ done by surviving kin. I did not always under‐ gion was not only a tool in the hands of the elites, stand the choice of chapter order within these H-Net Reviews parts, but this does not reduce the reading experi‐ Adolphson, Charlotte von Verchuer, and Heather ence. I do not keep to the order of the chapters in Blair. Adolphson (chapter 2) is very straightfor‐ this survey; rather I follow the chapters’ points of ward in reminding us that fgures who failed may intersection. still have had strong impact on historical develop‐ One of the declared aims of the book is to ment. His focus is Kiyomori’s attempt to move the question the image we have of the Heike, which capital to Fukuhara, near present-day Kobe. While greatly depends on the thirteenth-century Heike scholars often ask why Kiyomori wanted to leave Monogatari (平家物語), and to contextualize the Kyoto, Adolphson asks why he chose Fukuhara. changes to their image over time. In this I think it One of the answers is Fukuhara’s favored location succeeds greatly. One of the key fgures in this ap‐ for trade with the continent. This trade included a proach is renowned Japanese medievalist Taka‐ dramatic rise in imported copper coins, which hashi Masaaki, whose frst publication in English were mostly melted and reforged as Buddhist arti‐ is in this book (chapter 7). His focus is the dispari‐ facts for the numerous rituals Kiyomori spon‐ ty between representations of Heike characters in sored during his rise to power. However, these the Heike Monogatari and their true actions, as coins had a crucial part in the later development understood from contemporary Heian period doc‐ of monetary trade in Japan, a later impact of Kiy‐ uments. His discussion is a reminder that the im‐ omori’s actions. Kiyomori’s trade with the conti‐ portance of Heike Monogatari as a classical liter‐ nent is von Verchuer’s main focus (chapter 3). She ary work does not suggest transparency of the shows that in clear contrast to the ffteenth and text; on the contrary, the writers had agendas and sixteenth centuries, the main aim of the trade used literary tactics to retell history as they saw with China in Kiyomori’s time was cultural and fit. The chapter does not add much to Takahashi’s political prestige. Exotic items were not sold; they former works, but is an important introduction of were treasured and displayed in banquets or pre‐ his prevalent scholarship to English readers. sented as gifts or donations. It is interesting to see that Kiyomori’s gifts to and sponsorship of tem‐ The literary legacy of the Heike is discussed in ples extended to China as well as Japan. The fact Anne Commons’s fascinating survey of the Heike that many of Kiyomori’s actions were modeled af‐ poetic circle (chapter 5), which bloomed in the ter Fujiwara no Michinaga (966-1127) indicates capital during the 1170s and early 1180s. The ac‐ that this was the accepted, even expected, course tivities of the circle--mainly Taira no Tsunemori of action to gain courtly prestige and power. (1124-85), Tadanori (1144-84), and Tsunemasa (ca. 1147-84)--were part of the Heike’s broader search Adolphson’s and von Verchuer’s discussion of for cultural prestige and political power. Howev‐ Fukuhara’s importance is complemented by er, they were also part of greater changes in the Heather Blair’s examination of the vital part ritu‐ position, function, and style of waka (和歌), and al played Kiyomori’s rise to power (chapter 4). She their poems demonstrate some of the characteris‐ proposes that Kiyomori was not a proto-Kamaku‐ tics of later medieval poetry. Thus Commons ra ruler, as is often suggested, but a clear case of a shows that the Heike understood the rules of their Heian-style ruler, adapting political tactics initiat‐ time but also dared to break them, and that these ed by previous examples as the Fujiwara and re‐ breaks became their--often underestimated--lega‐ tired emperors. In this she continues the reposi‐ cy. tioning of the Heike as innovators working within their contemporary context. To analyze Kiy‐ The neglect of studies of the Heike legacy is a omori’s ritual activities Blair uses her model of rit‐ repeated point in the book, seen most clearly in ual regime that focuses on a triangular structure the discussions of Taira no Kiyomori by Mikael of “signature sites, rites and text” (p. 59).[1] In Kiy‐ 2 H-Net Reviews omori’s case the triangular points were Fukuhara scriptions of Kiyomori’s devotion. Returning to and Itsukushima as sites, the grand Thirty Lotus Kiyomori’s words in his vow, Dix traces the repre‐ Readings as rite, and the Lotus Sutra as text, sentations of Kiyomori’s miraculous dream in set‐ demonstrated in the lavish copy known as the suwa (説話) and Heike Monogatari variants. These Heike nōkyō (平家納経). Kiyomori further stories explain Kiyomori’s remarkable success in strengthened his position by gaining imperial ap‐ religious terms, giving much of the credit to his proval, having retired emperor Go-Shirakawa devotional acts towards the Itsukushima deity, (1127-92, r. 1155-58), and later Emperor Takakura like the dedication of the Heike nōkyō. (1161-81, r. 1168-80), pilgrimage to Itsukushima Lori Meeks and Naoko Gunji examine the top‐ and participate in rituals he initiated in both It‐ ic of spirit pacification. Gunji (chapter 9) focuses sukushima and Fukuhara. Blair uses the ritual on one temple, Amidaji near Dannoura, and posi‐ regime model to demonstrate how well calculated tions it in a wider frame of spirit-pacification ac‐ were Kiyomori’s innovations within the conven‐ tivity, while Meeks (chapter 8) takes a private per‐ tions of political power displays in his time. spective, focusing on the fgure of Kenreimon’in Monika Dix’s discussion of the Heike nōkyō (ca. 1155-23), daughter of Kiyomori and mother of (chapter 6) reminds us that the fact that it had the child-emperor Antoku (1178-85, r.1180-85). very clear political aims does not mean that the Gunji shows how seemingly separate activities-- Heike did not believe it had a religious function. including rituals in Amidaji, the erection of Yō‐ On the contrary, it was the very combination of fukuji, and the composition of the Heike Mono‐ political and cultural capital with personal devo‐ gatari--all return to the same group of leading po‐ tion that made this act of dedication so valuable. litical and religious fgure. These include enemies Dix gives a fascinating discussion of sutra-copying of the Heike, such as Go-Shirakawa and Minamoto history in Japan and situates the Heike nōkyō no Yoritomo (1147-99), as well as Heike descen‐ within it. The nōkyō includes a dedication vow by dents such as Chūkai (1162-1227). The similar tim‐ Kiyomori, which Dix parallels with its contempo‐ ings and commissioners of these activities suggest rary understanding of sutra-copying practices. a wider project of spirit pacification, aimed to She demonstrates that the extravagance of the protect the state not only from Antoku and his Heike nōkyō was not only a political show of pow‐ kin, but from vengeful spirits in general.