NUMBER 5 - 1884 (84) TAIWAN'S ELECTIONS: POLITICAL •• DEVELOPMENT MID DEIIOCRAnZATION •• IN THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA John F. Copper, with George P. Chen Sdlael of LAw lWvasiry of ~··~ TAIWAN'S ELECTIONS: POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA John F. Copper, with George P. Chen Occasional Papers/Reprints Series in Contemporary Asian Studies. No. 5-1984(64) Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah Chiu Executive Editor: Mitchell A. Silk Acting Managing Editor: Shaiw-chei Chuang Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Martin Wilbur, Columbia University Professor Gaston J. Sigur, George Washington University Professor Shao-chuan Leng, University of Virginia Professor Lawrence W. Beer, Lafayette College Professor James Hsiung, New York University Dr. Lih-wu Han, Political Science Association of the Republic of China Professor J. S. Prybyla, The Pennsylvania State University Professor Toshio Sawada, Sophia University, Japan Professor Gottfried-Karl Kindermann, Center for International Politics, University of Munich, Federal Republic of Germany Professor Choon-ho Park, College of Law and East Asian Law of the Sea Institute, Korea University, Republic of Korea Published with the cooperation of the Maryland International Law Society All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu, University of Maryland School of Law, 500 West Baltimore Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201 USA. All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opinion contained therein. Subscription is US $15.00 for 6 issues (regardless of the price of individual issues) in the United States and Canada and $20.00 for overseas. Check should be addressed to OPRSCAS and sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu. Price for single copy of this issue: US $5.00 (paperback) $10.00 (hardcover) © 1984 by Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies, Inc. ISSN 0730-0107 ISBN 0-942182-65-0 (paperback) ISBN 0-942182-66-9 (hardcover) U.S. Library of Congress Card Catalog No. 84-062053 TAIWAN'S ELECTIONS: POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA John F. Copper, with George P. Chen Table o.f Contents Preface ...................................................... lll Chapter l Introduction ..................................... l Chapter 2 Elections and the Polity of the Republic of China 7 Chapter 3 Internal and External Pressures Evoking Political Participation and Elections . 20 Chapter 4 Elections in Taiwan to 1980. 40 Chapter 5 The 1980 "Watershed" Election.................. 59 Chapter 6 "Local" Elections During 1981 and 1982......... 77 Chapter 7 The 1983 National Election . 93 Chapter 8 Conclusions...................................... 112 English translation of The Public Officials Election and Recall Law, promulgated on May 14, 1980 . 128 Index......................................................... 168 About the Authors . 180 Preface During the 1950s many developing nations sought to adopt democratic systems by following the Western model of political de­ velopment. Almost all of them failed. In the 1960s transplanting democracy to the Third World was still a goal of the West. The experience of Vietnam, however, under­ scored the fact that it did not work very well. In the 1970s and early 1980s there was more realism in the West concerning the appropri­ ateness of "quick fix" means of democratizing the rest of the world. Still there was much emphasis upon human rights, and, with that, political rights and freedoms. Democracy was still a goal and its advocates were usually not patient. During this same period Taiwan institutionalized democracy at a measured pace. Elections were first made a meaningful part of the political process at the local level. Government at all levels was made more responsive to public demands and the needs of economic and social change. As a result, by 1980 the nation was ready for party competition in elections that coincided with expanded political freedoms and an enlarging of the size of the National Assembly and the Legislative branch of the government. The process of democracy "from below" seemed to prove to be the right approach, as did putting economic modernization and social change before democratization. To some extent, however, Taiwan was under pressure to make the system democratic through meaningful elections, even though maintaining stability was considered a sine qua non. The U.S., which had considerable influence over political decisions in the Re­ public of China, wanted democracy. Taiwan also needed to make a favorable impression with the international community in order to defend its right to exist in the face of threats by the People's Repub­ lic of China to "liberate" Taiwan and incorporate the Republic of China's territory. Thus, it had to take risks in terms of speeding up the process of democratization. Taiwan has been a success story in terms of elections, democ­ racy and political development; it is, in fact, a model for other non­ Western nations. Obviously it will be studied more as other nations' leaders and more scholars and observers of events outside their own country realize its significance. This study is only a beginning. More precisely, this work focuses on Taiwan's elections andre- (iii) lV CONTEMPORARY ASIAN STUDIES SERIES lates the election process to political development. It is a process that deserves both attention and analysis not only in the Republic of China but in all developing countries. John F. Copper, with George P. Chen June 1, 1984 TAIWAN'S ELECTIONS: POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA John F. Copper George P. Chen CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION For a number of years many in the West have held great expec­ tations regarding the growth of democracy in China. Some of the reasons for such hopes were valid, some spurious. Clearly, however, democracy was premature. The evolution of democratic institutions in the West took several centuries. Why should China differ? Per­ haps it should take longer. Indeed why should democracy develop in China at all? China was thought to have the makings of a democratic nation because of its so-called democratic culture: little central government; the imper­ ative of good and virtuous government, which restricted the ultimate authority of all political leaders; a class system which was not rigid; government which conducted itself in the name of the people; con­ siderable mass participation in local government; and finally the presence of individualism, free speech, and religious freedom. 1 Added to this, in 1911, China, behind the leadership of Sun Y at-sen, repudiated the ancient imperial system and its autocratic rule and established a republic. And although democracy at that time had its enemies, it was neither repudiated by the masses nor defeated by dictatorial forces or tendencies in subsequent years. Chiang Kai-shek-a Christian, whose wife and frequent spokesman was Western educated, followed in Sun Yat-sen's tradition of de­ mocracy. Chiang was an ally of the West during World War II and knew how to make friends-whom he and China needed. He main­ tained during internal and external crises China's democratic institu­ tions in form if not in practice.2 During World War II China's political system and its political culture were contrasted with Japan's, which were highly undemo- I. For further details on these points, see Lawrence K. Rosinger, China's Crisis (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1945), pp. 3-5 and Creighton Lacy, Is China A De­ mocracy? (New York: John Day Co., 1943), pp. 12-17. 2. Lacy, supra note 1, pp. 73-74. (1) 2 CONTEMPORARY ASIAN STUDIES SERIES cratic, militaristic and authoritarian. Some in fact, saw the antipathy between the two as evidence of their different political traditions and proclivities. China, by contrast, was seen as a bastion of individual­ ism and democracy in Asia. Many in America felt U.S. aid would help realize democracy quickly in China. Others argued that the establishment of demo­ cratic institutions in China was possible to a meaningful degree only when the war ended. But most anticipated that it would be realized. The belief that China was a world power or soon would be and that for this reason it should-or must-be a democracy provided a strong impetus to think that China would democratize. This would solve two problems: China could be fully accepted by the West, and there would be no fear it might disrupt the international system. It also meant that the Communist dictatorship in the Soviet Union would be balanced or offset. In 1949 the West suffered a big disappointment. It even had to search for scapegoats for the fact that Communism won in China over democracy. Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalists were gener­ ally written off as proponents of authoritarian dictatorship and spe­ cial privilege-not democracy. The Nationalists were labeled corrupt and incompetent. To many the Communists were seen as reformers and by some even as true democrats-though this view did not last long in the West except among the extreme left and a few naive idealists. Informed scholars meanwhile generally admitted that it was premature to think of China, either the People's Republic of China or the Republic of China, as evolving a working democratic system soon. For the next ten years, those that felt that Western influence and a free economy were important, gave the Republic of China some hope, but not much. Seeing attempts at democracy fail throughout the world during the 1950s, the Republic of China on Taiwan was generally categorized as an example of the authorita­ rian-development modeJ.l Whether democracy was to evolve from this kind of system was uncertain. To some it depended upon the further success of economic development.