Notes and References THE EMERGENCE OF JEWISH LIBERALS IN RUSSIA: FROM ACCULTURATION TO REVOLUTION 1. Inge Blank has shown the extent to which Jewish society was changing in terms of, for instance, an increasing number of Jewish university students. For more detail see Inge Blank, 'Haskalah und Emanzipation. Die russisch­ jUdische Intelligenz und die "jUdische Frage" am Vorabend der Epoche der "GraBen Reformen"', in Gotthold Rhode (ed.), Juden in Ostmitteleuropa. Von der Emantipatton bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg (Marburg/Lahn, 1989) pp. 197-231; for a brief summary of the governmental policy towards Russian Jews until 1881, see Hans Rogger, 'The Question of Jewish Emancipation', in Hans Rogger, Jewish Policies and Right-Wing Politics in Imperial Russia (Oxford, 1986) pp. 1-24. 2. While in 1835 eleven Jewish students were matriculated at Russian Univer­ sities, the number increased to 129 in 1863. See Blank, op. cit., pp. 211-12; in 1894, the Jewish student body had reached the number of 1,853 students (13.3 per cent of all Russian students). However, due to the introduction of the Numerus Clausus, this high percentage of Jewish students was to drop to 7 per cent in 1902. See Zvi Halevy, Jewish University Students and Professionals in Tsarist and Soviet Russia (Tel Aviv, 1976) pp. 43f. 3. For more details about the 'Haskalah', see Jacob Raisin, The Haskalah Movement in Russia (Philadelphia, 1913); Michael Stanislawski, Tsar Nicholas I and the Jews. The Transformation of Jewish Society in Russia, 1825-55 (philadelphia. 1983). 4. For more detail concerning ORPE, see I.M. Tcherikover, Istoriia obshchestva dlia rasprostranenie prosvesh cheniia mezhdu evreiami v Rossii (St. Petersburg, 1913). This book, however, covers only the early period until the 1880s. For more detail concerning ORT, see Leon Shapiro, The History of ORT: A Jewish Movement for Social Change (New York, 1980). 5. See Michael A. Meyer, Jewish Identity in the Modem World (Seattle, 1990) pp.25-6. 6. The term Luftmenschen described all Jews who were not regularly employed and lived in complete poverty. 7. See Gregorii Aronson, 'Ideological Trends among Russian Jews', in Jacob Frumkin, Gregorii Aronson and Alexis Goldenweiser (eds), Russian Jewry, 1860-1917 (New York and London, 1966) pp. 145-6; Stanislawski, op. cit., pp. 187/188. 8. The Razsvet of 1860-61 had only 640 subscribers. The next newspaper which appeared in Odessa had not many more. See Blank, 'Haskalah und Emanzipation', pp. 224-9; Moshe Perlmann, 'Razsvet 1860-61. The Ori­ gins of the Russian Jewish Press', Jewish Social Studies, no. 29, 3 (1962) pp. 162-82; and Alexander Orbach, New Voices ofRussian Jewry. A Study 142 Notes and References 143 of the Russian-Jewish Press of Odessa in the Era of the Great Reforms, 1860-1871 (Leiden, 1980) pp. 22-53. 9. See Eli Lederhendler, The Road to Modem Jewish Politics. Political Tra­ dition and Political Reconstruction in the Jewish Community of Tsarist Russia (Oxford, 1989) pp. 111-53; and also Inge Blank's article quoted above. 10. The pogroms of 1881-1882 were mainly interpreted by scholars as a com­ plex of economic and social factors. Thereby, no evidence was found for a conspiracy theory, meaning that the pogroms had been organized by the authorities. See Mina Goldberg , Die Jahre 1881-1882 in der Geschichte der russischen Juden. D.Phil. thesis (Berlin, 1934) pp. 8-23 . She explained the pogroms as being the result of the modernization process of the Russian economy after 1861 which witnessed the emergence of the Russian bour­ geoisie on the one side, and an increasing impoverishment among the peas­ ants on the other. The Russian bourgeoisie, especially the merchants, developed anti-Jewish sentiments against its Jewish competitors. When Alexander II was murdered this propaganda activity - the Jew as the scape­ goat for everything - was spread by the newspapers among the peasants. The Russian revolutionaries at that time, the narodovol'tsy, in tum hoped to succeed with the revolution by diverting the people's anger against the authorities. For Goldberg, the outcome of the pogroms was more an exploi­ tation of the peasants' miserable economic condition by the anti-Jewish Russian bourgeois circles which met with a shift by the government towards an anti-Jewish policy; the role of the narodovol'tsy and their anti-Jewish views are covered by Stephen M. Berk, 'The Russian Revolutionary Move­ ment and the Pogroms of 1881-1882', in Soviet Jewish Affairs 7, 2 (1977) pp. 22-39; Michael Aronson underlined Goldberg's views but he pointed also to the railway workers and individuals coming from the cities where the pogrom wave had started. See I. Michael Aronson, Troubled Waters. The Origins of the 1881 anti-Jewish Pogroms in Russia (Pittsburgh, 1990). 11. For more detail regarding the pogroms of 1881-1882, see Stephen M. Berk, Year ofCrisis, Year ofHope. Russian Jewry and the pogroms of1881-1882 (Westport, Connecticut and London, 1986). 12. See John D. Klier, 'The Concept of "Jewish Emancipation" in a Russian Context', in Olga Crisp, Linda Edmondson (eds), Civil Rights in Imperial Russia (Oxford, 1989) pp. 136-9. 13. The major points of the May Laws are cited in Paul R. Mendes-Flohr and Jehuda Reinharz (eds), The Jew in the Modem World: A Documentary History (New York and Oxford, 1980) p. 309; for more information on the meeting of the Council of Ministers drawing the May Laws see Hans Rogger, 'Russian Ministers and the Jewish Question, 1881-1917', in Rogger, Jewish Policies, pp. 56-112, especially pp. 57-63. 14. For more details about the debates in this newspaper, see Jonathan Frankel, 'The crisis of 1881-82 as a turning-point in modern Jewish history', in David Berger (ed.), The Legacy ofJewish Migration: 1881 and its Impact (New York, 1983) pp. 9-22. 15. Ibid., pp. 14-18. 16. Pinsker's 'autoemancipation' is published in full in Helmut Heil (ed.), Die 144 Notes and References neuen Propheten. Moses Hess , Leon Pinsker, Theodor Herzl, Achad Haam (FUrth and Erlangen, 1969). 17. See Ellen S. Cannon, The Political Culture of Russian Jewry during the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century, D.Phil Thesis. (University of Massachussetts, 1974) p. 259; and Salo W. Baron, The Russian Jew under Tsars and Soviets, 2nd edn. (New York, 1987) p. 146. 18. The Jewish elites were to organize a national committee which was to collect money and buy land in order to secure a politically guaranteed asy­ lum where all the Jews willing to emigrate could turn to. See 'Autoernan­ zipation', pp. 128-33 . 19. For more information on Pinsker, Lilienblum, Smolenskin and so on, see David Vital, The Origins of Zionism (Oxford, 1980) pp. 137-8. 20. See Shmuel Ettinger, 'The Growth of the Jewish National Movement and the Burgeoning of Independent Political Activity', in H.H. Ben-Sasson, A History ofthe Jewish People (Cambridge,Massachusetts, 1976). Details about the Zionist movement in Russia in David Vital, Zionism. The Formative Years (Oxford, 1982); and for the history of Zionism in general, see Walter Laqueur, Der Weg zum Staat Israel. Geschichte des Zion ismus (Vienna, 1972). 21. See Ettinger, 'Growth of the Jewish National Movement' , pp. 894-6. 22. For more information about the 'engagement' of Russian Jews in the Narodnaia Volia, see Norman M. Naimark, Terrorists and Social Demo­ crats. The Russian Revolutionary Movement under Alexander III (Cam­ bridge, Massachusetts and London, 1983) pp. 92-95, 202-211 ; and Nora Levin, While Messiah Tarried. Jewish Socialist Movements 1871-19/7 (New York, 1977). 23. This group consisted of people like Arkadii Kremer, Tsemakh Kopelson, Samuel Gozhanskii, Joseph (John) Mill, Made Srednitskii, Isaia Izenstat and YuliusMartov. For more detail see Henry Tobias, The Jewish Bund in Russia. From its Origins to 1905 (Stanford, California, 1972) pp. 73-86; and Yoav Peled, Class and Ethnicity in the Pale. The Political Economy of Jewish Workers' Nationalism in late Imperial Russia (London, 1989) pp. 31-70. He rather focuses, however, on the evolution of the Bund's national pro­ gramme in general than on the Vilna Group in particular. Thus, he illustrates the way in which national ideas spread among the Jewish workers, which in turn forced the Bund leadership to follow the national tendencies at the grassroots. 24. Dubnov's essay 'Autonomism' and A'had Ha'am's 'Cultural Zionism' are published in Helmut Heil, Die neuen Propheten. More about Dubnov's 'Autonomisrn' is contained in Koppel S. Pinson, 'The National Theories of Simon Dubnov', in Jewish Social Studies, 10 (1948) pp. 335-58; Jacob Lestschinsky, 'Dubnow's Autonomism and his "Letters on Old and New Judaism"', in Aaron Steinberg (ed.), Simon Dubnow. The Man and his Work (Paris, 1963) pp. 73-91 , and Koppel S. Pinson (00.), Nationalism and History. Essays on old and new Judaism by Simon Dubnow (Philadelphia, 1958). As Pinson pointed out, Dubnov had taken the intermediate position between the ideas of Socialism and Zionism, and promoted the view of a 'synthesis' of the Jewish and the non-Jewish environments in the form of 'autonomisrn' (see p. 11); finally, for Dubnov's disputes with Ahad Ha'am, Notes and References 145 and a brief description of his political activity, see Robert Seltzer, Simon Dubnow. A Critical Biography of his Early Years. PhD Columbia Univer­ sity (Ann Arbor and London: Universal Microfilm International, 1977) especially pp. 176-237. 25. The restrictions began to affect every sphere of Jewish life. For instance , it was forbidden for Jews to trade on Christian holy days, as a result of which the Jewish working week was diminished to five days (if one takes into account the Shabbat). This meant an extreme weakening of social and eco­ nomic efficiency.