Vodou, Illness and Models in Haiti: From Local Meanings to Broader Relations of Domination Nicolas Vonarx ABSTRACT: Anthropological research concerning the relationship between Haitian vodou and illness shows that vodou practitioners’ explanatory models of illness contain two levels of causality. One presents the sick as victims of magical-religious procedures and illness as being the result of agents directed at the victims. The meanings for the origins of such illnesses are rooted in Haitian social reality, which Haitians perceive as dangerous and threatening. A certain representation of self and social reality underlies these illness models in vodou and in vodou-inspired Haitian folk knowledge. An an- thropological analysis of illness must identify local meanings that may shed light on certain cultural constructions of illness, as can be achieved by examining explanatory models structured around origins, causes, disease agents and other sources of illness found in Haiti. But the analysis must go beyond local meanings and question the rep- resentation of self and of social reality that goes along with these models and makes them intelligible for Haitians. In doing so, we note that this representation is the result of a process of subjectivation that is bound up in power relations between Haiti and the West. A cultural approach to explanatory models of illness in vodou is incomplete without a critical anthropological approach that addresses the relations of domination to which Haiti has been subjected. This article draws on these two anthropological perspectives in analysing illness in Haiti. It demonstrates how a meaning-oriented micro-social analysis of illness can be combined with a critical, macro-social approach in medical anthropology. KEYWORDS: Vonarx, Haitian vodou, illness, local meanings, process of subjectivation and domination Analysing vodou-inspired representations of tered generalities and repetitions. I conducted illness can help in understanding the main pat- research in Haiti1 to document vodou models terns and logics in explanatory models of ill- of illness and thus contribute to our under- ness commonly found in Haiti. Yet however standing of this neglected theme. My research important it is to understand the representations suggests two levels of causality. The first pre- of illness in vodou and in spite of the amount sents the sick as victims of magical-religious of research that has been conducted on vodou procedures and illness as the result of agents generally, this remains a relatively unexplored directed at the victims. The meaning of the ori- topic. With the exception of an article by Mét- gins of such illnesses is rooted in Haitian real- raux (1953), the literature contains only scat- ity, which Haitians view as dangerous. They Anthropology in Action, 14, 3 (2007): 18–29 © Berghahn Books and the Association for Anthropology in Action doi:10.3167/aia.2007.140304 Vodou, Illness and Models in Haiti | AiA consider themselves to be continually at risk of demonstrates how the construct of meaning is attack by a person driven by hatred, jealousy also related to relations of domination and to or envy. A certain interpretation both of reality social, political and religious forces. and of self therefore underlies these illness mod- els in vodou, which are found in broad outline in Haitian folk knowledge. Vodou Models of Illness As anthropologists interested in explana- tory models of illness in vodou, we must iden- Studies of illness in Haiti refer mainly to the tify local meanings in order to discover the existence of natural and supernatural afflictions. cultural dimensions of such models. This is a Referred to as maladi bondye (God’s illnesses) or fairly classical anthropological undertaking maladi satan (Satan’s illnesses), these categories that emphasises an ethnographic and micro- are based on an aetiology that distinguishes social approach to knowledge and practices as between afflictions caused by man and afflic- well as proximity to the research subjects. An tions that are inevitable and may be treated bio- analysis of illness meanings in vodou based on medically. Illness representations are, of course, this approach shows that statements about ill- far more complex and my research shows that ness are deeply rooted in Haitian culture and the meaning attributed to the illness is rarely sheds light on how the culture constructs ill- definitive; it depends on events in the course ness. The analysis of illness, however, can be of the therapeutic itinerary and it is not neces- expanded by examining how, in Haiti, these sarily the starting point of a consultation with models are connected to a certain understand- a therapist. Briefly put, the meaning of an ill- ing of self and of reality which gives them ness is often secondary to the search for heal- credibility. In doing so, it becomes clear that ing. Moreover, it does not always indicate where this understanding is the result of subjectivation to turn for help and it is mostly the preoccupa- processes influenced by socio-economic forces tion of the therapists who must find a solution. and relations of power. The interpretative ap- In particular, the interpretation of illness is a proach to illness presented here as a necessary matter for the vodou practitioner who refers to point of departure must therefore be combined explanatory models of illnesses that are gener- with a critical approach that incorporates his- ally considered to be part of the supernatural tory, political economy, colonialism and other category. As a health care system with magical- forms of domination (Good 1994). religious dimensions consisting of an explana- In this article, I shall combine these two ap- tory system (Vonarx 2005), vodou has devel- proaches of medical anthropology through the oped illness scenarios that can be classified in analysis of illness in Haiti. First, I shall present two interpretative categories discussed else- an explanatory model of illness based on the where by Fainzang (1989). main scenarios elaborated and described by The first refers to the sick person’s responsi- vodou practitioners in their consultations. As bility—or a model of self-accusation. In this will be seen, the meaning of illness is intelligi- case, the sick person is situated within a set of ble because it aligns with cultural conceptions inherited socio-cultural values that impose of the body, the person and social reality. This rules, obligations and rituals with respect to presents an opportunity for a critical analysis his or her ancestors and to lwa (vodou spirits). of certain aspects of meaning. More specifically, When a Haitian does not obey them or ignores by addressing the origin of illness, one can step a call from them, the ancestors and the lwa re- back from a micro-social analysis and move to- mind him of his duties by afflicting him or a wards a political and historical analysis that member of his family with an illness. In such | 19 AiA | Nicolas Vonarx cases, the way in which the affliction began and cial and interpersonal relationships. This leads the signs of the illness are of less interest to the on to the magical dimensions of the vodou therapist than the reason for the punishment. health care system. The origin of the illness is central to illness sce- Representations of illness based on punish- narios, and points to some of the responses that ment have rarely been studied, yet they are di- will follow diagnosis. It suggests that the sick rectly related to vodou rituals that define vodou person has become detached from his family, as a family spirit and ancestor cult (see Hersko- birthplace, home, the family lwa, the ancestors, vits, 1937; Simpson, 1940; Métraux, 1958; Low- or the lwa to which he is personally bound. This enthal, 1978). The efforts that have been made separation appears as a problem in relating to to structure vodou and organise it as a religion these entities and a lack of commitment to them. based on socio-political and identity issues Thus, in addition to treating a sick body using (Vonarx, in publication) have ignored the es- empirical knowledge based on a local pharma- sential connections between vodou and illness, copoeia, the vodou practitioner’s therapeutic instead using an approach that often discon- response must aim to re-establish bonds with nects vodou from its context and from the daily these entities or revitalise a network of relations lives of Haitians. When the meaning of illness conducive to recovery. The therapist’s task is in Haiti is discussed in this way, the first cate- to take care of the ways of being in the world gory is skipped over and the second (that of at- that are valued in his system of representations tack by a third party)—the patterns of which of the world by planning rituals and symbolic are very explicit in the lay knowledge used to exchanges in homes, prescribing individual explain illness—is emphasised. The work of worship for the person being punished, or by Kiev (1961), Murray (1976), Singer et al. (1988), establishing individual and collective alliances Farmer (1990), Brodwin (1996) and the infor- with lwa and with the ancestors. The strategy mation about illness in Hess (1984), Delbeau depends, of course, on the scenario that emerges (1989) and Tremblay (1995) are good illustra- during the consultation. tion of the importance of the second category. The second category in the explanatory It is also important to add that this second model of illness refers to the responsibility of a category is most often referred to in vodou third party who deliberately attacks the sick because endemic poverty places limits on the person for personal reasons. This is a model in organisation of rituals for maintaining rela- which someone close to the sick person is ac- tionships with the ancestors and with the lwa.