University of Birmingham How to break a state Deak, John; Gumz, Jonathan DOI: 10.1093/ahr/122.4.1105 License: None: All rights reserved Document Version Peer reviewed version Citation for published version (Harvard): Deak, J & Gumz, J 2017, 'How to break a state: the Habsburg Monarchy's internal war', The American Historical Review, vol. 122, no. 4, pp. 1105–1136. https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.4.1105 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal Publisher Rights Statement: This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in American Historical Review following peer review. The version of record John Deak, Jonathan E. Gumz; How to Break a State: The Habsburg Monarchy’s Internal War, 1914–1918, The American Historical Review, Volume 122, Issue 4, 3 October 2017, Pages 1105–1136 is available online at: https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.4.1105 General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. 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Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive. If you believe that this is the case for this document, please contact [email protected] providing details and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate. Download date: 29. Sep. 2021 1 How to Break a State: The Habsburg Monarchy’s Internal War, 1914-1918 In late spring 1915, Trieste went dark. The city, boasting a population of over 200,000 and nestled along the Adriatic Sea, was one of the Habsburg Empire’s most important commercial centers. It lay perilously close to the border with Italy, which for months had threatened to abandon the Triple Alliance and invade Austria-Hungary. As war loomed, the local military commander ordered all lights in this busy port extinguished. Trieste’s citizens, Italian and Slovene-speakers along with many other peoples and ethnic groups, complied with the Army’s will. And yet, one building flaunted the order, questioning the military’s authority. That building belonged neither to the local socialist club, nor to an Italian nationalist organization. It housed the office of the Statthalter, the imperial governor of Trieste and the surrounding Austrian Littoral. Personally appointed by the emperor, the Statthalter was the highest ranking civilian official in the province. The military commander, perturbed by the governor’s defiance, ordered the night patrols to shoot them out.1 One could see this standoff as a product of local interpersonal relationships on the periphery of the Habsburg Empire. But we think it is indicative of the larger issue of military necessity and the rule of law in the twentieth century. When the local commander ordered his troops to fire on the governor’s office, he opened a new front in a war raging in the Habsburg Empire since July 1914. Weapons in this war consisted of the patrols rifles, to be sure. But they also were made with arguments, mounds of paper that discussed the use and abuse of emergency 1 Austrian State Archives [herafter OeStA] Kriegsarchiv [hereafter KA], Neue Feldakten [NFA], 5. Armee- Etappenommando (SW Front), Vorfälle Triest, k.u.k. Stationskommando in Triest to the 5. Armee Etappenkommando, Res. Nr. 350 “Abblendung aller Lichter – Kundmachung,” July 16, 1915, Karton 1092. 2 legislation, with military necessity on one side and the constitutionally-sanctioned rights of citizens and the rule of law on the other. This internal war pitted the Habsburg Army against Austrian and Hungarian officials and the front cut through every village and town in Habsburg central Europe. It was a war on the Habsburg Rechtsstaat, the state government by the rule of law—the state as it had existed since 1867. Historians of the Habsburg Monarchy and of the Great War in general have overlooked this internal war, focusing instead on a predetermined Habsburg collapse stemming from national conflict, deep traditions of autocratic and anti-democratic governance, or a combination of the two.2 These larger arguments about Habsburg decline have been exceptionally tenacious within First World War histories, even as they downplay the role of World War I in bringing about the empire’s collapse.3 Twenty-five years of American and Austrian historiography on late imperial Austria-Hungary has largely reversed such verdicts on the long decline of the Empire.4 The new orthodoxy holds that the Habsburg state was a vibrant constitutional polity, strongly 2 See, for instance, Lewis B. Namier, “The Downfall of the Habsburg Monarchy,” in A History of the Paris Peace Conference, ed. Harold W. V. Temperley, vol. 4, 6 vols. (London: Henry Frowde and Hodder & Stoughton, 1921), 58–119. Josef Redlich, a Professor of Political Science at the Technical University in Vienna, was a key architect of the argument that pointed towards weak parliaments and a cumbersome administrative system inclined towards autocratic solutions. Thisappeared as Josef Redlich, Österreichische Regierung und Verwaltung im Weltkriege (Vienna: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1925); Josef Redlich, Austrian War Government, Economic and Social History of the World War 6 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1929). Others stressed the problems of nationality more consistently. For classic statements of this argument, see, Oscar Jászi, The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, Phoenix edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929). 3 Robert Kann’s statement that “What happened within a few war years is in essence only an abstract of a long-drawn out process of decline” exemplifies this approach to the war. See, Robert A. Kann, A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526-1918 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974), 468. More recent treatments have echoed this approach and this mindset: Geoffrey Wawro, A Mad Catastrophe: The Outbreak of World War I and the Collapse of the Habsburg Empire (New York: Basic Books, 2014); Prit Buttar, Collision of Empires: The War on the Eastern Front in 1914 (Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2014). 4 Gary B. Cohen, “Neither Absolutism nor Anarchy: New Narratives on Society and Government in Late Imperial Austria,” Austrian History Yearbook 29, no. 1 (1998): 37–61. The most prominent works along these lines are: Gerald Stourzh, Die Gleichberechtigung der Nationalitäten in der Verfassung und Verwaltung Österreichs, 1848-1918 (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1985); Pieter M. Judson, Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontiers of Imperial Austria (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006); Jeremy King, Budweisers into Czechs and Germans: A Local History of Bohemian Politics, 1848-1948 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002); Tara Zahra, Kidnapped Souls: National Indifference and the Battle for Children in the Bohemian Lands, 1900-1948 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008). 3 committed to rule of law, and able to command the loyalty and the political imaginations of its subjects.5 This historiography has focused on “those features of the Imperial political system which contributed to its stability and functionality, however marginal,” as John W. Boyer called for in his study of Christian Socialism.6 The fact that the Monarchy functioned as a great power,7 that its parliaments passed budgets,8 expanded social welfare for its citizens,9 and created the basis for expanding economic development in years before 1914,10 means that we need a history 5 Daniel L. Unowsky, The Pomp and Politics of Patriotism: Imperial Celebrations in Habsburg Austria, 1848-1916, Central European Studies (Purdue University Press, 2005); Laurence Cole and Daniel L. Unowsky, eds., The Limits of Loyalty: Imperial Symbolism, Popular Allegiances, and State Patriotism in the Late Habsburg Monarchy (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007). 6 John W. Boyer, Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna: Origins of the Christian Social Movement, 1848-1897 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), xiv. 7 Diplomatic history has generally been the branch of history that is most willing to see the Habsburg Empire as a declining power. See here Solomon Wank, “Varieties of Cultural Despair: Three Exchanges between Aehrenthal and Goluchowski,” in Intellectual and Social Developments in the Habsburg Empire from Maria Theresa to World War I: Essays Dedicated to Robert A. Kann, ed. Stanley B. Winters and Joseph Held, East European Monographs (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975); F. R Bridge, The Habsburg Monarchy Among the Great Powers, 1815-1918 (New York: Berg, 1990); Hugo Hantsch, Leopold Graf Berchtold, Grandseigneur und Staatsmann., 2 vols. (Graz: Verlag Styria, 1963). 8 The work of Lothar Höbelt has been instrumental in revising our understanding of Austrian parliamentary politics. See, above all, Lothar Höbelt, “Parliamentary Politics in a Multinational Setting: Late Imperial Austria,” Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota Working Paper, no. 92–96 (March 1992); Lothar Höbelt, Kornblume und Kaiseradler: Die deutschfreiheitlichen Parteien Altösterreichs, 1882-1918 (Vienna: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1993).