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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. FOR LOVE OR MONEY? INTERHOUSEHOLD EXCHANGE AND THE ECONOMY OF ROTUMA A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN ANTHROPOLOGY MAY 1994 By Janet Patricia Rensel Dissertation Committee: Ben Finney, Chairperson Michael Graves Robert Borofsky Karen Watson-Gegeo Sheila Conant Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. We certify that we have read this dissertation and that, in our opinion, it is satisfactory in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology. DISSERTATION COMMITTEE Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Copyright 1994 by Janet Patricia Rensel iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the Rotumans without whose support this dissertation would not have been possible. In particular, I thank the Rotuma Council for granting permission for my research and for asking the people of their respective districts to cooperate. Thanks also to the district officers, Tiu Malo and Fred Susau, for their continual assistance. I am grateful to the teachers and others who helped administer the island-wide survey, notably: Maniue Vilsoni, Akata Tolo, Fai Siriroa Taukave, Sarote Fonmanu, George Fiu, Vilsoni Frank Mama'o, Arone Mausio, Faga K iji, Olive Siriroa, Seline Mario, Arone Mausio, Ritie Solomone, Ritie Solea, Sukamanu Tigarea and Fauoro M. Rigamoto. I treasure the memory of the warmth, humor and generosity of Farpapau Varea, who was always ready w ith refreshments when I came to Rotuma High School to meet w ith the teachers there. Her spirit embodied Rotuma for me. I am especially appreciative of the efforts of the people of Oinafa village who participated in the intensive study of daily activities, and endured my many questions w ith patience, grace and good humor. To these and many others who, through formal interviews or casual interaction, helped me to learn: Gagaj atakoa, faiak se'ea 'e garue, faiak se'ea ‘e haiasoaga ma hanisi. For countless hours of instruction in Rotuman language and guidance in interpreting events, past and present, I am deeply indebted to Elisapeti Inia, my teacher and friend. I am equally grateful to Vilsoni Hereniko who, as both Rotuman and academic, reviewed and critiqued my work and discussed w ith me key ideas and iv Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. examples. Dr. Hereniko, along w ith Mrs. Inia and Jieni Howard, also helped me w ith the Rotuman translation of questionnaires. Thanks also to Hans Schmidt, a German linguist, for his help w ith Rotuman grammar and diacritics. I would like to acknowledge Tarterani Rigamoto for his invaluable assistance, not only in hosting my husband and me for much of the field work period, but for explaining the project to people and encouraging their cooperation. In addition I wish to express my gratitude to Vika and Maniue Vilsoni, Raurikue and Samo Pene, Harieta and John Bennett, Adi Mere and Aisea Atalifo, and Elisapeti Inia, for extending their homes to us on the island, and to Jiuria and Josefa Rigamoto, Patricia and Vilsoni Hereniko, and Vamarasi and Petero Pensamino for hosting my husband and me in Suva and Lautoka. Rotuman friends in Suva were gracious w ith their time and assistance. Luisa Finiasi located copies of newspaper articles about Rotuma at the library of the University of the South Pacific. Emotama Pene printed my questionnaires on very short notice. Mata Inoke tried valiantly to get our laptop computer repaired. Iliesa Hereniko helped us weave our way through the F iji bureaucracy in times of stress. Visanti Makrava's assistance was important with regard to information on current economic activity. Discussions w ith Betty Inia, Susana Tevita, Josefa Rigamoto, Victor Rigamoto, and John and Harieta Bennett contributed greatly to my knowledge and understanding. I am also grateful to Rotumans abroad, especially Sofie and Olaf Arntsen, Elizabeth Benz, Marie Dickinson, v Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Rev. Jione Langl, and Harieta fiuaror for generously sharing their insights and their hospitality. I would like to thank my committee, and proxy member Stephen T. Boggs, for their thought-provoking questions and constructive suggestions about earlier drafts of this dissertation. My friend Danielle Juzan gave unstintingly of her time in helping me to enter survey data into the computer. To her and many other friends and colleagues, and my dear family, for their encouragement and support over the years, my heartfelt gratitude. And finally, to my husband Alan Howard, for not pressuring me, for solving all the computer glitches, for grocery shopping and cooking, and most of all, for introducing me to Rotuma. My research was supported in part by a Fulbright Grant administered by the Institute for International Education. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT Studying the social implications of economic change in Pacific Islands is made more difficult by a set of pervasive assumptions, deeply rooted in Western tradition. These concern not only the nature of island life and historical processes, but also the agency and direction of change, and the transformative power of money. In addressing the place of money in social interactions on the island of Rotuma, Republic of Fiji, this dissertation carefully examines local history within larger economic and political contexts; analyzes quantitative data about sources, amounts, and uses of money over time; and explores the ways in which Rotuman values shape forms of interaction. Historical and ethnographic research reveal that a variety of external forces have combined to promote change in Rotuma. Despite two centuries of Western influence, Rotumans persist in enacting their own agendas and seek to control their economic destiny. Local cooperatives handle copra exports and commerce. Most households rely on subsistence food production as well as a combination of income sources, including wage employment, on-island food sales, occasional exports, cash gifts for services to each other, and periodic tourism. This dissertation documents how migration has created a dramatic impetus to change in recent years. Seventy percent of Rotumans now live away from Rotuma, pursuing further education and job opportunities, especially in urban Fiji. The ties they maintain with their home island take many forms, from reciprocal vii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. visiting and sharing of resources, to support for local projects and assistance with income-generating activities. Migrant involvement has significant impact on material living standards. Trucks and motorcycles are increasingly common, and Rotuman-style thatched dwellings have largely disappeared, replaced by cement and corrugated iron structures with plumbing, electricity and modern appliances. Forms of social interaction are implicated in a shift from mutual aid to paying cash for help w ith house construction and transportation. But an