i Title Page NIGERIA’S CONTRIBUTIONS TO DEMOCRATIZATION IN SIERRA LEONE, 1995-2005 BY BELLO KEHINDE OREOLUWA PG/M.Sc./10/57711 A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE MASTER OF SCIENCE IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS) JULY, 2012 ii Approval Page THIS PROJECT HAS BEEN APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA. BY ------------------------------------------ ---------------------------------------- PROF OBASI IGWE PROF OBASI IGWE SUPERVISOR HEAD OF DEPARTMENT ------------------------------------------ EXTERNAL EXAMINER iii Dedication To the glory of God. To my husband, Engr. Lanre Daniyan, whom I cherish. To my parents, Mr and Mrs T. A. Bello, and Mr and Mrs Daniyan, who are lovers and givers of sound education. iv Acknowledgement I indeed appreciate my supervisor, Prof Obasi Igwe, who has being a great source of inspiration to me. Your love, your passion for good work, your pleasant criticisms, your corrections, your counsels, all have brought this work to completion. I appreciate you sir. To my best friend and husband, Engr. Lanre Daniyan, I sincerely appreciate your love, encouragements, contributions, support, kindness, criticisms, and sacrifices in seeing this work progress to completion. I indeed appreciate my parents, Mr and Mrs T.A. Bello, and Mr and Mrs Daniyan who constantly ask to know how this programme has been progressing. I thank all my siblings – Abayomi, Tayo and my twin sister Taiwo for their moral support. I appreciate Uncle Ayo and Uncle Sanmi Daniyan for their support. To my lovely baby, Damilola Mitchell Daniyan, I appreciate your motivation and endurance when you are out of your comfort zones, in the course of this programme. v Table of Contents Title Page i Approval Page ii Dedication iii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents v Abstract vii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.0 Background to the Study 1 1.1 Statement of Problem 4 1.2 Objectives of Study 5 1.3 Significance of Study 5 1.4 Literature Review 6 1.5 Theoretical Framework 8 1.6 Hypotheses 10 1.7 Method of Data Collection 11 CHAPTER TWO: PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRATIZATION IN SIERRA-LEONE BEFORE AND AFTER 1995 2.0 Historical background 13 2.1 Problems of democratization in Sierra-Leone 19 2.2 History and government of Sierra-Leone from the colonial administration through the civil war 28 2.3 Summary of the bloody civil war in Sierra-Leone 46 CHAPTER THREE: CHALLENGES AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF NIGERIA’S INTERVENTION BETWEEN 1995 AND 2005 3.0 Introduction 50 3.1 ECOWAS 55 3.2 ECOMOG 55 3.3 Impact of the Conflict on Development Outcome 61 3.4 Achievements and the Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Interventionist Role in Sierra-Leone 69 3.5 Similarities of the Sierra-Leone Conflict with Vietnam 72 vi 3.6 Development Planning Achievements in Sierra-Leone 76 CHAPTER FOUR: SIERRA LEONE AND THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY 4.0 Introduction 82 4.1 The Political Events in Sierra Leone between 1787-1945 84 4.2 The Slater Constitution of 1924 85 4.3 The Stevenson or Beresford-Stooke Constitution of 1951 87 4.4 The 1957 Constitution 89 4.5 The General Election of 1957 90 4.6 The 1958 Constitution 91 4.7 The London Constitutional Conference of 1960 91 4.8 Sierra Leone 1961 – 1969 92 4.9 Political and Constitutional Developments between 1967 and 1971 105 4.10 Hope for the Future in Sierra Leone 114 CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMENDATION 5.0 Summary 116 5.1 Applications in Support of Democracy 119 5.2 Conclusion 126 5.3 Recommendation 146 5.4 Bibliography 151 vii Abstract This study problematizes the issues of good neighbourliness and democratization in Africa, and analyses the effects of Nigeria’s economy on these. Focusing on the relationship between Nigeria’s foreign policy and the democratization process in Sierra Leone, the study examines the challenges Nigeria faced in trying to achieve her foreign policy goals as she spearhead conflict resolution in the sub-region. Utilizing dominant approach of conflict resolution theory as our explanatory framework, observational technique and content analysis as our method of data collection and analysis respectively, the study evaluates the role Nigeria played under the auspices of the ECOMOG, and the sacrifices made to restore peace in Sierra Leone and contends that generally, Nigeria’s foreign policy has been the driving force behind every peacekeeping operation in West Africa and that Nigeria deployed both her material and human resources to restore a democratically elected government in Sierra-Leone in particular. viii CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.0 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY No doubt, Nigeria’s foreign policy has had great impact on both Sierra Leone as a country and Africa as a continent. But there is an ongoing debate about why Nigeria took so much interest in the democratization of African states especially Sierra Leone where she lost so many soldiers and still continued in the struggle. Secondly, was Nigeria’s economy buoyant enough to have carried out the peacekeeping process all alone? In 1960, the then Prime Minister Alhaji (Sir) Abubakar Tafawa Balewa made Africa the centre piece of Nigeria’s foreign policy. In his words, “we belong to Africa and Africa must claim first attention in our external relations”. (Omotere, 2011:2). Thus successive government have had to carve out their foreign policies (although, with focus on Africa). The government of General Sani Abacha (1993-1998) which coincided with period of political crisis in Sierra Leone demonstrated this. “Foreign policy is the coordinated application of the elements of national power for the promotion of the national interest. The interrelated, interdependent components of grand strategy or elements of national power, used selectively or in combinations in inter-state and other external relations, include economic power and resources, socio-cultural resources (such as language, race, religion, entertainment), population or the human potentials…” (Obasi, 2007:158). Again, according to Okolie (2009:9) “Nigeria foreign policy, like other countries’ foreign policies is formulated in a highly complex and dynamic environment”. In his own view, Saliu (2006:4), maintain that “Among the important factors that influence the external policy of a state are the strength of the economy, national sentiments and aspiration, the level and quality of information at the disposed of the government, leadership perception etc” . Nigeria’s foreign policy making and implementation started right at independent on 1st October, 1960. This was evident in 1960 when Alhaji (Sir) Abubakar Tafawa Balewa the then Prime Minister, made Africa the centerpiece of Nigerian foreign policy. In his words, “we belong to Africa and Africa must claim first attention in our external relations”. He summarized the principles of Nigeria’s foreign policy as follows: • The sovereign equality of all African states; • The respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all African states; • Non –interference in internal affairs of other African states; ix • Commitment to functional cooperation as a means of promoting African unity; • Total eradication of racism and colonialism from African (Agbu, 2008:6). Thus, successive government have had to carve out their foreign policies (based on the above principles) making the foreign policy of Nigeria a unique and dynamic one. Critics have asked why Nigeria should spend the huge resources in money and blood over Sierra Leone’s internal political problem. The answers lie first in Nigeria’s foreign policy goal and second, the sub-regional and regional interest. On the first, Nigeria is economically, politically and strategically interested in protecting and defending the lives and economic interests of her citizens in Sierra Leone, in particular, and to posture its strategic interests in West Africa and Africa at large. The Nigerian government is aware of the fact that many Nigerian people live in the Diaspora especially African countries which include Sierra Leone and it is their duty to protect them both home and aboard. Joy Ogwu averts that it would amount to political naivety for Nigeria to sit at the fence and watch others steal the initiative of seeking peace in Sierra Leone only to reap the farm, where they did not sow. Nigeria’s leadership in West African was, therefore, called to duty. Ibrahim Gambari attests strongly to this: Nigerians and their well-wishers aboard expect the country to be a truly great nation, and pride of Africa and black race, and a key player in global affairs. This is the ultimate challenge facing Nigeria. (Onyemaechi, 2009:103). “Action speaks louder than words”. This, Nigeria wants to show to the world as a regional power in West Africa by demonstrating that she is ready to back up her diplomacy with her military might. And attempt to do this will include the sacrifice of both money and blood. Justifying Nigerian participation in ECOMOG former President of Nigeria, President Ibrahim Babangida observed: Nigeria has evolved to the point of acceptance of the fact and reality that the conduct of our international relations and foreign policy may at time involve certain contractual military and other obligations beyond borders (Onyemaechi, 2009:103). The United Nations too gave some kind support to Nigeria and other countries that are willing to join them both locally, regionally continentally and globally to restore peace and security to the international community at large. This gave Nigeria a green light to manifest her hidden potentials. Under Article 52 of the United Nations Charter, Nigeria assumed the leadership x arrangement in cognizance with the objective of securing international peace and security. Article 52 states that: Nothing in this charter precludes the existence of a regional arrangement and agencies for dealing with matters relating to international peace and security as are appropriate for regional action, provided such arrangements or agencies and activities are consistent with the purposes and principles of the UN (Onyemaechi 2009:104).