from Chicano/a to Xicana/o: Chicano/a Francisco Rios and because many Xicana/o educators see as noteworthy counter examples. In fact, their identity and ideology both similar to I see these two identities/ideologies and but different from Chicano/a educators of historical moments as falling upon lines an earlier generation, pedagogical pursuits of differential possibilities and variations for activism are equally likely to be differ- (Sandoval, 2000). ent. In sum, this article intends to move Take, for example, the question of from the politics of identity to the politics of identity. There are many kinds of Chi- critical thinking, from a distinctly Mexican cano/a identities evident in these terms: American version of (“old school”) Chican- American, Americano, Mexican American, ismo to a more contemporary (“la nueva Hispanic, Latino, vato, cholo, lowrider, onda”) Xicanismo. gangsta, gran vato, etc. In fact, the Chi- In this article—a combination of I wish to acknowledge that most of cano/a “homies” series1 (while needing to be personal narrative mixed with concep- these ideas are inspired by the lessons I troubled out) provide a broad perspective tual ponderings—I seek to explore the have been taught by the many people who on all the ways one can “be” a Chicano/a. development of a continuum of identities, have influenced my ways of looking at the And these identities shift. As Guillermo which range from Chicano/a to Xicana/o. world as I seek to make sense of my own Gómez-Peña (Mendieta & Gómez-Peña, The former is rooted in the Civil Rights experiences. These include the consejos de 2001) relates, ethnic identification is both Movement of the 1960s and 1970s, while las mujeres (my mother, my grandmothers, strategic and contextual. the latter has its roots in the transnational, and my sisters, angeles todas). It’s rooted For example, sometimes when I’m globalized, and neoliberal policies of the in the confianza of my father and those, arguing the democratic imperative to st early years of the 21 Century. too many to mention, who’ve mentored me schooling for social justice, I call on my I wish to highlight how these two throughout my life. It’s fostered by the re- “American” identity to create disequilibri- identity movements came out of (and, in a speto of my children, my students, and my um among those who have narrow-minded reciprocal way, influenced) the particular colleagues/peers but also the respeto I have notions of what it means to be American. social and political moments of their times for them. It’s inspired by the buen ejemplos In my time on a Fulbright in Chile, I called but also how each has implications for I have for those teachers and community upon my Americano identity to highlight identity, ideology and issues, and imagina- activists and scholars (most notably, for my desire for alliances with all the Latin- tion toward the development of a critical this essay, the work of Franquiz, Gomez- American people that I was privileged consciousness. I also intend to extend the Peña, and Urrietta) whose work I admire to encounter. I’m Latino in the mid-west argument to how these identities, ideologies from both close in and from a distance. where intercultural collaborations with and issues, and imaginations serve as a As mentioned, I intend to juxtapose Cubanos, Puertoriquenos, y Dominicanos frame for the kinds of praxis one can engage the birth of the Chicano/a movement with are essential for political empowerment. in when one is committed to social justice. the contemporary rise of a new Xicanismo. I’m Chicano when I want to highlight Because identity and positionality In doing so, I wish to highlight important my political otherness. And each of these profoundly impact how one teaches for differences and similarities of these two identities, indeed, are very complex. multicultural education (Bennett, 2001), historical moments, looking all the while To reiterate, my intention here is to at what we learn about a critical pedagogy offer some broad generalizations which Francisco Rios is a professor toward praxis. I acknowledge at the outset are more conceptual then real but which in the Department of Educational Studies that some of the comments made herein have instructive value nonetheless. The of the College of Education are generalities about these two identi- many ways one can be Chicano/a-Xicana/o at the University of Wyoming, ties and socio-political moments. Thus, it abound; we would do well to affirm these Laramie, Wyoming. is important to also recognize differences variations. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION 2 from Chicano/a to Xicana/o: Critical Activist Teaching Revisited Xicana/o I begin with each moment, the Chi- cano/a movement and then the nuevo Xicanismo, discuss (for each) their broader social, political, and economic context, and then identify central issues relative to identity, ideology, issues, and imagina- workers’ struggles and Cesar Chavez’s this marginalization) in the pursuit of a tion, and finally detail the critical think- non-violent activism were important to the broader Chicano identity. ing during each period (see Figure 1). I rise of the Chicano/a movement. intend to bring these two movements to But it was also a time where political Ideology & Issues life by sharing two narratives, two stories, movement, while slow, was at least lean- which highlight much of the conceptual Chicano/a cultural nationalism was ing progressive (pushed as it was by the the ideology of the day. That is, there was arguments that I’m advancing. In doing Civil Rights Movement and the protests so, I hope to illuminate where the Mexican explicit rhetoric around the desire to retake in communities of color). Voting rights acts the southwestern part of the United States, American community has come, where it’s and affirmative action legislation were going, what “works,” and what productive pointing back to the historical land mass being passed and enacted, and court case called Atzlan. Connected with this nation- perspectives will carry us forward through victories around bilingual education and the struggle for self-determination. alism was the idea that Mexican Ameri- against discrimination in housing were cans were neither Mexican nor American changing the racist “business as usual” Chicano/a but were, instead, a unique sociocultural discrimination that marked the day. group/citizenry with a specific and unique The Chicano/a movement had its There was an overture made toward history, culture, and language; hence, the inception before the 1960s but its birth an agenda of equity to counteract past term Chicano/a came to be affiliated with is often traced back to the Chicano Youth discrimination and oppression. Equity this unique social-cultural grouping as well Conference held in Denver in 1969 (Acu- means a recognition that people who were as the political (nationalist) ideology that ña, 2003). The 1960s and 1970s was a time down needed a hand up: affirmative action was being forged. of outright and undeniable oppression: in employment and education, bilingual The Chicano/a community had many signs read, “Mexicans and dogs not wel- education, and other civil rights initiatives issues it had to confront. In education, comed” while discrimination in housing, came to life (not without challenges from these issues included the need for a more employment, education, and voting was the mainstream, to be sure). culturally and linguistically responsive explicit and rampant. Chicanos/as and This then sets the backdrop for both approach to schooling (both Chicano/a their organizations, rooted as they were the birth of the Chicano/a movement but Studies and bilingual education served as within the nest of the local community, also the ways in which the Chicano/a move- two specific programmatic demands). The operated largely on the outside of, and in ment was able to influence the context. desire for political self-determination was opposition to, institutional systems and made manifest most by the advance of the the dominant society. Identity La Raza Unida party (Garcia, 1990). There Politically, the focus was on the For Chicanos/as, there was a keen was activism centered around addressing national economy and national security focus on the development of a distinctly the rights of farmworkers and asserting spurred by international tensions and the political identity. Its focus, however, was historical land rights (most notably in Cold War. The hot war, Vietnam, was in full limited: identity was centered in race and New Mexico). All of this was on top of the action, as was the impact of an oil boycott ethnicity with strong male overtones.2 Vietnam War, with its significant numbers and rise of inflation. The broader Civil Importantly, women were playing a criti- of Chicano/a soldiers who fought for this Rights Movement had been going on for a cal role within the movimiento but their nation only to return to a homeland char- little over a decade; importantly, the farm role was marginalized (while contesting acterized by racial discrimination. SUMMER 2008 3 Imagination3 A Chicano Narrative the line, marched downtown, shouted “We want Chicano studies now,” went to the Critical thinking was marked by I went to a high school which had a identifying and honoring as positive all capital to listen to political speeches, ate student composition that was 80% Chi- beans and tortillas, and went home. things Chicano/a—historically, socially, cano/a (interestingly, today, it is nearly 95% and culturally—with little public critique The school’s funding drops. Soon, we Chicano/a—so much for the integration of have Chicano/a studies classes being of- by Chicanos/as of other Chicanos/as and schools with “all deliberate speed”).