WECOL 06, 29.OCTOBER‘06 R.K. LARSON – FORM & POSITION OF NOMINAL MODIFIERS IN INDO-IRANIAN Form & Position of Nominal Modifiers in Indo-Iranian 1.0 Ezafe: A Brief Snapshot Ezafe occurs in Mod. Persian (Farsi), Kurdish (Sorani, Kurmanji), Zazaki (Dimili) Richard Larson (Stony Brook University) and Hawrami (Gorani). The pattern shows increasing complexity in that order: Nominal modifiers in Indo-Iranian languages show an (apparently parametric) 1.1 Farsi (Samiian 1994; Ghomeshi 1997; Ghozati 2000; alternation in form & position. In Western Indo-Iranian (WI-I) (Farsi, Kurdish, Kahnemuyipour 2000; Samvelian 2005) Zazaki, Hawrami), modifiers standardly occur postnominally and “link” to N via an Ezafe particle (Ez), which is either invariant (Farsi, Sorani), or inflects for !- Farsi demonstratives and numerals are prenominal: (1a,b) features (Kurmanji, Zazaki, Hawrami). The modifiers show no agreement (1a-d). (1) a. on mard b. sé tá dokhtar (1) a. otâq - é besyar kucik that man three CL daughters room-EZ very small !very small room' (Farsi) But N modifiers/complements are always postnominal and linked to N by Ezafe. b. minál - i pcúk - i bash Farsi shows the simplest form of Ezafe; the only variation is phonological (é/yé): children-EZ small-EZ good good, small children" (Kurdish: Sorani) (2) Modifiers & complements of Ns a. otâq - é besyar kucik c. çav-ê res room-EZ very small 'very small room' (AP) eye-EZ(M) black b. del - é sang !the black eye" (Kurdish: Kurmanji) heart-EZ stone ‘stone heart‘ (NP) d. çav-ên sor c. xune - yé [kenar - é dærya] eye-EZ(P) red house-EZ next - EZ sea ‘house on the beach' (PP) !the red eyes" (indicates great anger) (Kurdish: Kurmanji) d. manzel - é John e. zere#-o g!rd house-EZ John ‘John’s house‘ (NP) partridge-EZ(M) large e. shahr - é Tehran !large partridge" (Zazaki) city -EZ Tehran ‘Tehran city’ (NP) f. Ali - é Ghozati In Eastern Indo-Iranian (EI-I) Pashto, modifiers occur prenominally, exhibit no Ali -EZ Ghozati ‘Ali Ghozati (NP) Ezafe, and agree directly with N in case (direct vs. oblique) and !-features g. tæxrib - e shæhr (gender and number) (2a,b): destruction-EZ city ‘destruction of the city’ (NP) h. hordan - é âb (2) a. w!gay al!k drinking-EZ water ‘drinking of water’ (NP) hungry(DMS) boy’ i. forunshandé - yé ketâb b. w!ge péghla seller -EZ books ‘seller of books’ (NP) hungry(DFS) girl j. ketâb - é sabz - é jâleb room-EZ green-EZ interesting ‘interesting green book’ (AP*) Goals of this paper: • to present the forms of the nominal in WI-I and EI-I. (3) a. âgâ - yé Imam • to analyze this variation, deriving both series from a single syntactic Mister - EZ Imam ‘Mister Imam’ source. b. tamâm - é sherkathâ • to relate this variation to certain other phenomena, specifically all-EZ companies ‘all/the-totality-of? companies’ possessive fronting in Pashto and linker elements in southern c. tamâm - é - în sherkathâ African languages. all-EZ the companies ‘all/ the-totality-of? the companies’ 1 2 WECOL 06, 29.OCTOBER‘06 R.K. LARSON – FORM & POSITION OF NOMINAL MODIFIERS IN INDO-IRANIAN 1.2 Kurmanji (Pikkert 1991) (8) a. xani-yek house-INDEF(sg) ‘a house’ Kurmanji Ezafe is more complex than Farsi; it inflects for number & gender, and b. xani-ne shows a distinction between “primary” and “secondary” Ezafe: house-INDEF(pl) ‘some houses’ c. xani-yek-î biçûk Primary Ezafe (EZ) (Definite Nominals) house-INDEF(sg)-2EZ(m) small ‘a small house’ Masculine Ezafe: -ê (-yê for nouns ending in vowels) d. xani-n-e biçûk Feminine Ezafe: -a (-ya for nouns ending in vowels) house-INDEF(pl)-2EZ(pl) small ‘some small houses’ Plural Ezafe: -ên (for both masculine and feminine nouns) e. xani-n-e bas-î nû house-INDEF(pl)-2IZ(pl) good-2IZ(pl) new ‘some good, new houses’ (4) a. çav-ê res eye-EZ(m) black ‘the black eye’ (9) a. bav-ê heval-a zuh-a min b. kurr-ê biçûk father-IZ(m) friend-IZ(f) sister-IZ(f) my ‘my sister’s (girl)friend’s father’ son-EZ(m) small ‘the small son’ b. qulem-a min pen-IZ(f) my ‘my pen’ (5) a. keçik-a mezin c. nav-ê wê daughter-EZ(f) big ‘the big (old) daughter’ name-IZ(m) her ‘her name’ b. bêvil-a drêj d. kurr-ek-î min nose-EZ(f) long ‘the long nose’ son-INDEF(sg)-2IZ(m) mine ‘a son of mine’ (6) a. kitêb-ên nû Definite Ezafe Indefinite Ezafe book-EZ(pl) new ‘the new books’ Masculine -ê -î b. çav-ên sor Feminine -a -e eye-EZ(pl) red ‘the red eyes’ (indicates great anger) Plural -ên -e Secondary Ezafe (2EZ) (Indefinite nominal or non-initial Ezafe) 2nd Masculine Ezafe: -î 2nd Feminine Ezafe: -e 2.0 Pashto Nominals (Tegey & Robson 1996) 2nd Plural Ezafe: -î (for both masculine and feminine nouns Pashto nominals exhibit no Ezafe and generally resemble English. Numerals (7) a. qelem-a min and demonstratives are prenominal. But attributive As and possessive are also pen-EZ(f) me prenominal; RCs are postnominal: ‘my pen’ qelem-a min-e drêj qelem-a drêj pen-EZ(f) me-2EZ(f) long (10) a. pindz! p!ghle pen-EZ(f) long ‘my long pen’ five girls ‘five girls’ ‘the long pen’ b. agha mo!ar b. kitêb-a bas-e nû that car ‘that car’ book-EZ(f) good-2EZ(f) new ‘the good new book’ (11) a. w!gay al!k c. kitêb-ên bas-î nû hungry boy ‘hungry boy’ book-EZ(pl) good-2EZ(pl) new ‘the good new books’ b. [de asad] [n!way] mo!ar of Asad new car ‘Asad’s new car’ Indefinite Article (INDEF) c. agha njal!ey [ tse kamís akhli ] de R"by" khór da (i) -ek ‘a/an’(for singular nouns; -yek for singular nouns ending in vowels ) that girl who dress bought of Rabya sister is (ii) -ne ‘some’ (for plural nouns) ‘That girl who bought a dress is Rabya’s sister’ 3 4 WECOL 06, 29.OCTOBER‘06 R.K. LARSON – FORM & POSITION OF NOMINAL MODIFIERS IN INDO-IRANIAN Pashto distinguishes 2 numbers (S/P), 2 genders (M/F), 2 cases (Direct/Oblique). c. dor - e estæxr Attributive As agree in these features according to membership in one of 4 around-EZ pool !around the pool" declension classes (t!g- ‘thirsty’ below is class 2): d. bæqæl-e dær by-EZ door !by the door" (12) a. [t!gay al!k] wob! ghw"#i MDS e. kenar - é dærya thirsty boy water want3S ‘the thirsty boy wants water’ next - EZ sea 'on the beach' b. [t!gi al!k"n] wob! ghw"#i MDP thirsty boys water want3P ‘the thirsty boys want water’ (15) Full and Reduced RCs (Samvellian 2005) c. [de t!gi al!k khwla] w!cha wa MOS of thirsty boy mouth dry was ‘the thirsty boy’s mouth was dry’ a. otâq- ! [ké bozorg ast] c. [de t!gi al!k"n khwla] w!cha wa MOP room-REL -that big is of thirsty boys mouths dry were ‘the thirsty boys’ mouths were dry’ 'room that is big' d. [t!ge peghla] wob! ghw"#i FDS b. in java$n -e [az suis bar gas%te] thirsty girl water want3S ‘the thirsty girl wants water’ this young- EZ from SW back turn e. [t!ge peghl!] wob! ghw"#i FDP !this young man back from Switzerland" thirsty girls water want3P ‘the thirsty girls want water’ c. aks-e [c%a$p s%ode dar ruzna$me] f. [de t!ge peghl! khwla] w!cha wa FOS photo-EZ publication become in newspaper of thirsty girl mouth dry was ‘the thirsty girl’s mouth was dry’ !the photo published in the newspaper! g. [de t!go peghlo khwla] w!cha wa FOP of thirsty girls mouths dry were ‘the thirsty girls’ mouths were dry’ Samiian’s Hypothesis (Samiian 1994): Ezafe is a dummy case marker (cf. of). But: Why would modifiers need case? Case normally marks arguments! 3.0 The Nature of Ezafe 3.2 Nominal Modifiers as D-Complements (Larson 1991) 3.1 Ezafe as a Case-marking Element Complex Determiner Hypothesis (Keenan and Stavi 1986): Restrictive Samiian’s Generalization (Samiian 1994): Ezafe occurs with [+N] complements modifiers are arguments of D. & modifiers following a [+N] head. (16) a. meet(x,y) b. THE(X,Y) (13) Complements of As a. asheq - e Hæsæn VP DP in love-EZ Hasan !in love/enamored with Hasan" Spec D! b. negæran - e bæche DP V! worried-EZ child-PL !worried about the children" John V DP Pro D NP c. montæzer - e Godot waiting-EZ Godot !waiting for Godot" met Bill the meeting (14) Complements of Nominal Ps (17) a. meet "y "x [meet"(x,y)] a. beyn - e mæn-o to b. every "Q "P [!x[Q(x) # P(x)]] between-EZ you and me !between you and me" c. some "Q "P ["x[Q(x) # P(x)]] b. væsæt - e otaq d. the "Q "P ["y!x[[Q(y) $ y = x ] # P(x)]] in-the-middle -EZ room !in the middle of the room" 5 6 WECOL 06, 29.OCTOBER‘06 R.K. LARSON – FORM & POSITION OF NOMINAL MODIFIERS IN INDO-IRANIAN (18) Transitive Ds (24) a. [dP Pro [d" the [DP lecture [D" t [DP Thursday ]]]]] a. EVERY(X,Y) iff Y $ X b. SOME(X,Y) iff Y % X & & c. NO(X,Y) iff Y % X = & d. THE(X,Y) iff Y $ X & |Y| = 1 b.