Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review Volume 40 Number 2 Symposium—Access to Justice: Law Article 7 and Popular Culture 1-1-2007 Super Size Me and the Conundrum of Race/Ethnicity, Gender, and Class for the Contemporary Law-Genre Documentary Filmmaker Regina Austin Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Regina Austin, Super Size Me and the Conundrum of Race/Ethnicity, Gender, and Class for the Contemporary Law-Genre Documentary Filmmaker, 40 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 687 (2007). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr/vol40/iss2/7 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SUPER SIZE ME AND THE CONUNDRUM OF RACE/ETHNICITY, GENDER, AND CLASS FOR THE CONTEMPORARY LAW-GENRE DOCUMENTARY FILMMAKER Regina Austin * I. THE INGREDIENTS OF A SUPERSIZED SUCCESS More than other genres of popular culture, documentaries are favorably disposed to what passes as a liberal perspective on social issues, including civil litigation. Newspaper headlines proclaim it, conservatives lament it, and documentarians do not dispute it. Indeed, the premise for Super Size Me,' one of the most popular documentaries of the first half decade of the 21st century, actually originated with the fast-food obesity case Pelman v. McDonald's Corp.2 According to Daily Variety, the idea for the documentary * William A. Schnader Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. The author wishes to thank Alexander McCobin for his excellent research assistance and the participants attending the Pennsylvania & Delaware Valley Feminist Law Teachers' 14th Annual CLE Conference, held at Temple Law School. 1. SUPER SIZE ME (The Con 2004) (exploring the health effects of fast food, including the consequences of the filmmaker's one-month diet of exclusively McDonald's fare). 2. See Pelman v. McDonald's Corp., 237 F. Supp. 2d 512, 543 (S.D.N.Y. 2003) (dismissing complaint with leave to amend); No. 02 Civ. 7821 (RWS), 2003 WL 22052778, at *14 (S.D.N.Y. Sept. 3, 2003) (dismissing amended complaint), vacated, 396 F.3d 508 (2nd Cir. 2005); 396 F. Supp. 2d 439, 446 (S.D.N.Y. 2005) (granting motion for a more definite statement); 452 F. Supp. 2d 320, 328 (S.D.N.Y. 2006) (denying motion to dismiss). See generally Samuel J. Romero, Obesity Liability: A Super-Sized Problem or a Small Fry in the Inevitable Development of Product Liability?, 7 CHAP. L. REv. 239 (2004) (concluding that the obesity cases are likely to fail although concerns beyond eaters' individual choice suggest that a definitive resolution of the issues will not occur soon). The Pelman plaintiffs essentially maintained that eating McDonald's food caused them to become obese and to suffer from obesity-related ailments. The broad claims regarding the quality of the food and its impact on the plaintiffs' health were dismissed, however. The case is proceeding on the claim that representations about the healthfulness of McDonald's food violated state law. See Reyes v. McDonald's Corp., Nos. 06C1604, 06C2813 2006, WL 3253579, at *8 (N.D. Ill. Nov. 8, 2006) (upholding a class action asserting that the chain's modification of its representations of the fat and caloric content of its french fries violated the Illinois Consumer Fraud and Deceptive Practices Act to the extent that it is not preempted by the federal Nutrition Labeling in Education Act). LOYOLA OF LOS ANGELES LAW REVIEW [Vol. 40:687 came to Morgan Spurlock, the film's director, after he had eaten Thanksgiving dinner in 2002 and was in "a tryptophan haze."3 He saw a television news report about the Pelman case and "remember[s] a spokesman being quoted at the time as saying: 'You can't link our food to these girls being sick or fat.' Then the lights went on: I turned to my vegan girlfriend and said, 'There's a basis for argument there." 4 In the first of two opinions responding to defendants' motions to dismiss, the judge in the Pelman case discussed plaintiffs' assertion that foreseeable over-consumption of McDonald's food might be actionable misuse. In doing so, he issued the following challenge to the plaintiffs: A better argument based on over-consumption would involve a claim that McDonald's products are unreasonably dangerous for their intended use. The intended use of McDonald's food is to be eaten, at some frequency that presents a question of fact. If plaintiffs can allege that McDonald's products' intended use is to be eaten for every meal of every day, and that McDonald's is or should be aware that eating McDonald's products for every meal of every day is unreasonably dangerous, they may be able to state a claim.' Spurlock took up the gauntlet of proving this proposition and ran with it. The result was Super Size Me, a hugely popular film that was made on a budget of $65,000 and grossed $28,575,078 worldwide.6 Spurlock assumed the role of guinea pig and lived on nothing but McDonald's food for thirty days. He ate it for breakfast, lunch, and dinner. To be sure, there was some exaggeration in his experiment, much like there seems to be in scientific experiments where little laboratory animals are fed extraordinary amounts of a potential carcinogen or mutagen. According to his rules, Spurlock could only eat items sold at McDonald's, he had to eat three meals a day whether or not he was hungry, and he had to eat everything on 3. Daniel Frankel, Super Size Me, DAILY VARIETY, Dec. 10, 2004, at A4, available at http://www.variety.com. 4. Id. 5. Pelman, 237 F. Supp. 2d at 537. 6. Box Office Mojo, http://www.boxofficemojo.com/movies/?id=supersizeme.htm (last visited Sept. 23, 2006). Winter 2007] SUPER SIZE ME the McDonald's menu at least once. Whenever he was asked if he wanted to "super size" his order,7 he was required to do so. Moreover, he limited his physical exertion to between 3,000 and 5,000 steps per day, a bit more than the average American takes; allowance was made for the fact that Manhattanites like Spurlock tend to walk more and live in multi-story walk-up apartments. Prior to undertaking his diet, he went to three doctors (an internist, a cardiologist, and a gastroenterologist/hepatologist) to have his health status checked, and he saw them periodically throughout the month- long binge. He also worked with a dietitian who tracked his caloric intake and his weight. Much like a lab rat confined to a cage, Spurlock was oblivious to the social setting in which he ate. He focused on eating under the watchful eye of the camera, the cameraman, and other unidentified minions whose voices are heard, but whose faces are not seen. By the end of the month, Spurlock had gained roughly twenty- five pounds, his cholesterol had gone up sixty-five points, and his body fat had increased from 11 percent to 18 percent.8 Most significantly, the diet took a measurable toll on his physical health, as indicated by the results of medical lab tests. The swiftness and extent of the impact on his liver were especially surprising to his physicians. The suspense of seeing whether Spurlock can make it through the month is the narrative thread that holds the film together. However, interspersed between segments of Spurlock eating, enjoying (at first), and (then) suffering through his McDonald's diet is a host of informative interviews with experts; trips to schools, a hospital, and fast-food locations outside of New York City; and a number of on-the-spot exchanges with consumers on the street. Creative animation, graphics, paintings by pop artist and billboard propagandist Ron English, and sound effects, along with a hip, contemporary soundtrack, blend with the video segments to generate a captivating compilation that illuminates the impact of fast food on the collective physique. Though the film's subject is deadly serious, the tone and approach are humorous and entertaining. Though much of the 7. A "super-sized" meal included extra-large servings of french fries and soda. 8. SUPER SIZE ME, supra note 1. LOYOLA OF LOS ANGELES LAW REVIEW [Vol. 40:687 information is what consumers are assumed to know or what they would be embarrassed to admit they did not know, the film does a good job of exposing the lack of dietary information available to the ordinary fast-food consumer, the impact of fast-food marketing in making our children dumber about the world and less physically fit than they would otherwise be, and the importance of increasing the availability of healthy alternatives in school lunch programs. Indeed, the most disturbing scenes may be those involving first graders who vaguely knew George Washington, totally missed Jesus Christ, but nailed Ronald McDonald, and a school cafeteria cook who said that the "best tool" she has is a box cutter with which to open packages of government-issued food that can be reconstituted, reheated, and served for lunch. It is difficult to measure the success of a muckraking docu- mentary film, but there are indications that Super Size Me made a difference, if for no other reason than that it suggested that the Pelman litigation should be taken seriously. To begin with, "super size" has entered the common parlance as a verb and found its way into the dictionary.9 Just weeks after the film's debut at the Sundance Film Festival in January 2004, the inventor of supersized portions, McDonald's, took them off the menu.1" Furthermore, initiatives to improve the healthiness of school lunch programs have popped up around the country, some of them prompted by schoolchildren who had seen Super Size Me.1 The absence of 9.