[Draft chapter – will be published in Goddard, J., Hazelkorn, E., Kempton, L. & Vallance, P. The Civic University: the Policy and Leadership Challenges. Edwar Elgar.] Markku Sotarauta Leading a Fundamentally Detuned Choir: University of Tampere, Finland – A Civic University? 1 Introduction A university is an academic ensemble of scholars who are specialised and deeply dedicated to a particular branch of study. Often scholars are passionate about what they do, and are willing to listen only to those people they respect, that is their colleagues and peers, but not necessarily heads of their departments, faculties or research centres. Despite many efforts, university leaders more often than not find it difficult to make academic ensembles sing the same song. If a group of singers perform together, it is indeed a choir. A community of scholars is not necessarily so. Singers agree on what to sing and how, they know their sheets, and a choir leader conducts them. A community of scholars, however, is engaged in a continuous search for knowledge through the process of thesis and antithesis, debates, as well as conflicts and fierce rivalry – without an overarching conductor. Universities indeed are different sorts of ensembles, as scholars may not agree about what is and is not important for a university as a whole. By definition a university is not a well-tuned chorus but a proudly and fundamentally detuned one. Leadership in, and of, this kind of organic entity is a challenge in itself, not to mention navigating the whole spectrum of existing and potential stakeholders. Cohen and March (1974) see universities as ‘organized anarchies’, as the faculty members’ personal ambitions and goals as well as fluid participation in decision- making suggest that universities are managed in decidedly non-hierarchical terms, but still within the structure of a formally organised hierarchy. Goddard (2009) reminds us that universities are managed as they are simply because it is possible to do so. Indeed, managing a hierarchy of deans and heads of discipline-based departments provides universities with a sense of control and certainty, overseeing a matrix of activities ranging from teaching, research and support services to respond to external needs, and thus is not a joyride (Goddard 2009). This chapter examines the leadership challenge by discussing one specific ‘detuned choir of scholars’, namely the University of Tampere (Finland), and by using the concept ‘Civic University’ as a focusing device to do so. It is based on: (a) the survey of academic staff carried out in November and December 2012, (b) a development workshop to explore the survey findings and discuss them with the Rector’s Senior Management Team, and (c) relevant statistics. The workshop was held on the 5th of March 2013, and the two vice-rectors, all nine deans, and chief of administration attended it. There were 243 respondents in the survey, and the response rate was 24 %. The sample represents well the disciplinary constellation of the entire academic community of University of Tampere (UTA). 2 The University of Tampere and the city it is embedded in UTA was established in Helsinki in 1925 as an institution generally referred to as a Civic College. The College aimed at providing education to those sectors of the population, especially young people in rural areas, who were in need of enhanced higher education but who were easily left out. In 1960, the institution moved to Tampere. Within six years student intake increased fivefold and the specialised college transformed itself to a multi-faculty university (Origins… 2014). The College’s transfer from Helsinki to Tampere was influenced both by propelling forces in the capital and attractive factors in Tampere. The role of the College in Helsinki, among real universities, was not particularly strong, and Tampere had a fierce desire to have its own university. The transfer was finally realised as a result of the active efforts of City of Tampere and other influential local actors. Differently from many other Finnish universities, the establishment and final location of UTA have not been influenced by regional policy but local development activity. UTA has neither been supported by regional policy due to its location in Southern Finland. The city of Tampere sought to offer educational opportunities for young people and simultaneously prevent a brain drain. A few decades later it is possible to conclude that the brain drain has been reversed. UTA recruits students from all over Finland, the majority of them recruited from the Tampere region (46 %) and from the Helsinki region (17 %). In 2013, more than half (50.3 %) of the graduates found their first job after graduation in Tampere and every fourth (25.1 %) left for the Helsinki region whereas, in the early 1980’s the respective figures were 35.5 % (Tampere region) and 25.2 % (Helsinki region) (Source: UTA Statistics). Particularly in the beginning, after the move, the city of Tampere provided strong financial support to the university. In 1966, the name of the College was changed to the University of Tampere, and in 1974 it became a state university like all the other universities in the country (see Rasila 1992; Seppälä 1998; Kaarninen 2000; Kostiainen & Sotarauta 2003). In 2010, the legal status of the Finnish universities changed, and according to the new University Act, they are either public universities under public law or foundation universities under the Foundations Act. UTA belongs to the first category. As it is habitual to point out at UTA, the original mission of the University was endowed with a singularly clear and extensive mission to serve society, and to this day the University of Tampere has retained its strong orientation to society, to public and private services and to professional university education (What makes… 2014). Today, the University of Tampere is the most social science specialised university in Finland. It represents approximately 25 % of social science education in Finland, and more than one third of the master’s degrees awarded by the University are in the social sciences, and another 20 % in humanistic fields, 10 % in business studies and 12 % in education. Also health sciences, representing 5 % of master’s degrees, is social science oriented at UTA, and thus more than 70 % of the master’s degrees are non- 2 science by nature. The University of Tampere hosts approximately 16,000 degree students and 8,500 non-degree students with around 2,000 staff members. For several years, the University of Tampere has been the most selective of the Finnish universities. For example, in 2014 UTA received 17,784 applications accepting only 1,300 (acceptance rate was 7.3 %). Tampere is the second largest city-region in Finland. It consists of nine independent municipalities. Its population is 387,000 (the city of Tampere itself has a population of 220,400) (Statistics Finland). Tampere is a city accustomed to continuous change throughout its history. First, it developed from a small village into Finland’s leading industrial town (19th century). When traditional industry (textile and engineering industries) fell into crisis (from 70’s to 90’s), Tampere once more had to recreate itself and has since risen to a position as one of the top knowledge cities in Finland, and also beyond (Kostiainen & Sotarauta 2003). Today, it is quite generally acknowledged that Tampere is among the leading Finnish ‘knowledge cities’, as it is the second R&D–centre in the country with a share of 14.5 % of national R&D spending which in absolute terms was € 1,040 million in 2011 (Statistics Finland). Both of the universities in Tampere (UTA and the Tampere University of Technology) have been able to contribute to and exploit the spatially blind innovation policy and local innovation policies. According to Benneworth’s (2007) analysis, Tampere has undergone several regional innovative journeys with a high degree of success. Tampere’s assets have been: (a) long-term coevolution with global and national developments, in which (b) good local adaptive capacity has been the core. For its part, the adaptive capacity has consciously been improved by (c) proactive local economic (and also later innovation) development policy. All these factors have greatly benefitted from (d) a good geographical location in Finland (junction of railways in Southern Finland). Additionally, (e) universities have had a central position in local efforts to boost development both as targets of policy and core assets of it. Eventually, (f) all these factors combined have contributed to Tampere’s reputation that is according to national surveys the best among the Finnish cities. In sum, for some time the Tampere city-region has been among the fastest growing city-regions in Finland. And it has a very favourable image based on increase of jobs, central location and good connections, and the cultural amenities of the city. The economic recessions of the early 2000s have challenged Tampere’s industries again, but so far the city has been able to cope with continuous change (see Björklund 1993; Jutikkala 1979; Kostiainen & Sotarauta 2003; Benneworth 2007; Martínez-Vela & Viljamaa 2003; Martínez-Vela 2007 Kostiainen 2002; Kautonen 2006; Haapala 1986; Parkinson et al 2012). 3 The institutional mission of the University of Tampere and internal management Finland has throughout its independence (since 1917) placed high emphasis on education, and even though the higher education system has undergone many reforms, the value of the Finnish universities has never been questioned (Cai & Kivistö 2011). In public debate, initiated formally for example by the Research and Innovation Council of Finland as well as media (Uudistuva Suomi… 2014), several issues concerning universities have constantly been raised but they are related to the international position of the Finnish universities (ranking frenzy), the 3 size of the universities (too small, mergers called for and implemented), their collaboration with the firms and other actors (civic engagement), and study times (it takes too long to graduate) but not on their value as core of societal development.
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