PALEOINDIAN ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION IN THE LOWER GREAT LAKES REGION: EVALUATING THE ROLE OF CARIBOU AS A CRITICAL RESOURCE By Dillon H. Carr A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY ANTHROPOLOGY 2012 ABSTRACT PALEOINDIAN ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION IN THE LOWER GREAT LAKES REGION: EVALUATING THE ROLE OF CARIBOU AS A CRITICAL RESOURCE By Dillon H. Carr There is a widespread perception that Rangifer tarandus (caribou) constitutes a critical resource for Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene hunter-gatherers inhabiting the lower Great Lakes region. However, this perception has not been formally tested using the regional archaeological record. To this end, this dissertation constitutes a formal test of the caribou hunting hypothesis utilizing archeological data from lower Great Lakes Paleoindian (ca. 11,500- 10,000 BP) sites. To formally test the hypothesis that caribou were the organizational focus of lower Great Lakes Paleoindian subsistence economies a heuristic model for a residentially mobile caribou hunting society is constructed from ethnographic and comparative archaeological data. Archaeological data from lower Great Lakes Paleoindians are compared against expected patterning derived from the residentially mobile caribou hunting model to evaluate the extent to which patterned variability in the Paleoindian archaeological record reflects an intensive caribou hunting society. This formal evaluation of the caribou hunting hypothesis indicates that certain aspects of the Paleoindian archaeological record support the idea that caribou were an important resource. In particular, there is some evidence to suggest that more standardized extractive implements and larger, multi-locus, Lake Algonquian coastal sites support an interpretation of intercept caribou hunting. Likewise assemblage level data and regional scale data support the interpretation that Paleoindian inhabitants of the lower Great Lakes region practiced a high rate of residential mobility across large territories. Residential mobility, the large size of these territories, and the likelihood for low population density are all characteristics consistent with those modeled for intensive caribou hunting societies. However, and in contradiction with expected patterns, there is less evidence to support the interpretation that Paleoindian bands practiced herd-following, where groups would spatially relocate themselves between the winter and summer ranges of caribou herds. Instead, standardization data and site level data suggest an interior/coastal focus, as opposed to a north/south focus, within the overall organization of the economic system. This realization raises the possibility that caribou herds may have been intercepted during autumn near the coastal zone with the exploitation of other interior resources at other times of the year. In this regard, lower Great Lakes Paleoindian archaeological data conform more closely with central European Upper Paleolithic Magdalenian economies. This pattern contrasts with the classic barren-ground herd following pattern exemplified by ethnographic and archaeological data from the Ethen-edeli Chipewyan. In loving memory of my mother, Diane Marie Carr, 1953-2003 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation, as with any major work, would never have been possible without assistance from a large number of individuals. I would like to gratefully acknowledge those individuals here, although I recognize that these few words of thanks will fall far short of being able to repay their assistance. First of all I would like to thank the members of my doctoral committee, each of whom devoted the necessary time to sort through and interpret my frequently obtuse writing. Dr. William Lovis, Dr. John Norder, Dr. Jodie O‟Gorman, and Dr. Catherine Yansa each offerred countless constructive comments, helpful directions to go in, ideas to think about, encouragement, and much needed editorial assistance. In particular, Dr. Lovis adeptly served as the chair of the committee; even going so far as to track me down in the frigid U.P. to make sure I was staying on task. Conversations and readings courses with both Dr. Lovis and Dr. Norder greatly expanded my understanding of the ethnography and archaeology of hunting and gathering societies, from which this dissertation benefited. Dr. Yansa made sure that my environmental information is clear, correct, and aligned well with current research. There are also a number of colleagues that have helped shape my thinking about the Paleoindian archaeological record from which this dissertation has also benifited. First and foremost is Dr. Christopher Ellis. I was fortunate to have completed a M.A. at Western Ontario studying under Dr. Ellis, and this dissertation has been influenced by him in countless ways. I am also grateful to Dr. David Anderson, Dr. Daniel Amick, Dr. Thomas Loebel, Dr. Mark Seeman, Don Simmons, and Andy White for sharing their thoughts about Paleoindian economic organization with me over the past several years. Although I build upon their insights, any errors in logic contained herin are, of course, my own. v Much needed support to complete this dissertation research came in a variety of forms. Monetarily, both the Department of Anthropology and College of Social Sciences at Michigan State University provided funds to facilitate travel and data collection. Personally, thanks are owed to my family, Gary and Darcy Molenaar, Dr. Barbara Evans, Dr. Joe Susi, and Dr. Sally Childs all of whom provided much needed encouragement on a number of fronts during the writing process. Finally an extra special offering of thanks is owed to Amy Molenaar who served as a very dear friend, a greatly needed task master, capable editor, sounding board, counselor, personal chef, laundress, hair stylist, and a hundred other roles. Thank you for seeing me in a much different light than I ever saw myself. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables xi List of Figures xii Chapter 1: Introduction and Background 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Large Game Hunting in the Northern Hemisphere 4 1.3 Large Game Hunting in the Lower Great Lakes Region 6 1.4 Great Lakes Paleoindians and Caribou Hunters 10 1.5 Statement of Research Problem 13 1.6 Structure of Research 15 1.6.1 Theory and Method 18 1.6.2 Model Building 22 1.6.3 Modeling and Predictions 25 1.6.4 Testing the Archaeological Record 29 1.6.5 Analysis of Results 30 Chapter 2: Environmental Background and Caribou Ecology 2.1 Introduction 32 2.2 Glacial Geology of the Central and Eastern Great Lakes 34 2.2.1 Ice Advance and Retreat 36 2.2.2 Lake Levels in the Huron And Erie Basins 38 2.3 Late Glacial Climates 40 2.4 Late Glacial Floral Communities 43 2.4.1 Tundra Phase 47 2.4.2 Spruce and Sedge Phase 48 2.4.3 Reorganization Phase 51 2.4.3.1 Establishment of Ecotone 53 2.5 Late Glacial Faunal Communities 54 2.5.1 Fauna and Community Richness 57 2.6 Caribou Ecology 59 2.6.1 Sub-species Variability 64 2.7 Summary and Discussion 68 Chapter 3: Ethnography of North American Caribou Hunting Societies 3.1 Introduction 69 3.2 Ethnography and Ethnohistory of North American Caribou Hunters 72 3.2.1 Inuit Ethnography: Tundra Adaptations 73 3.2.1.1 Nunamiut 73 3.2.1.2 Central Canadian Arctic 76 3.2.1.3 Quebec/Labrador Inuit 78 3.2.1.4 Mackenzie Delta Inuit 78 vii 3.2.1.5 Caribou Inuit 79 3.2.2 Athapaskan and Algonquian Ethnography: Tundra and Taiga Adaptations 82 3.2.2.1 Ethen-eldeli (Caribou-eater Chipewyan) 83 3.2.2.2 Innu 87 3.2.3 Athapaskan and Algonquian Ethnography: Boreal Forest Adaptations 91 3.3 Caribou Hunting Strategies and Technology 93 3.3.1 Herd Following 93 3.3.2 Intercept Hunting 96 3.3.2.1 Terrestrial Based Intercept Hunting 98 3.3.3 Individual Hunting Strategies 101 3.4 Economic Considerations 104 3.4.1 Dietary Considerations 104 3.4.2 Non-food Considerations 108 3.4.3 Consumer Supply and Demand 110 3.4.4 Sustainability 112 3.5 Situating Caribou Hunting Economies in the Ethnographic Present 116 3.6 Generalizing the Organization of Caribou Hunting Economies 119 3.6.1 Opportunistic Caribou Hunters 119 3.6.2 Part-Time (Seasonal) Caribou Hunters 121 3.6.3 Full-Time (Specialized) Caribou Hunters 123 3.7 Full-Time Caribou Hunting Economies: Inuit vs. Non-Inuit Adaptations 128 3.7.1 Intercept Hunting and the Kayak 129 3.7.2 Risk Management: Practical vs. Social Storage 131 Chapter 4: Comparative Archaeological Case Studies 4.1 Introduction 139 4.2 Taltheilei Tradition: Barren Ground Herd Followers 140 4.2.1 Settlement and Mobility Strategies 141 4.2.2 Site Layout and Structure 144 4.2.3 Use of Lithic Raw Materials 144 4.2.4 Organization of Lithic Technology 145 4.3 Magdalenian Caribou Hunters: Paleolithic Intercept Hunting 150 4.3.1 Magdalenian Subsistence Economies 151 4.3.2 Paris Basin Magdalenian 154 4.3.3 Storage, Food Sharing, and Mobility 156 4.3.4 Economic Organization 158 4.3.5 Settlement and Mobility Strategies 159 4.3.6 Inter-Site Patterning 162 4.3.7 Organization of Lithic Technology 165 Chapter 5: Residentially Organized Caribou Hunters: A Model 5.1 Introduction 169 5.2 Ecological Parameters 170 5.3 Cultural Parameters 175 5.3.1 Herd Following Strategies 178 viii 5.3.2 Territory Size, Mobility Magnitude and Frequency 179 5.3.3 Subsistence, Mobility, and Lithic Technology 184 5.4 Organization of Lithic Technology 186 5.4.1 Risky Business: Formal vs. Expedient Technologies 187 5.4.2 Scheduling: Seasonal Shoppers vs. Bargain Hunters 188 5.4.3 Tool Design: Versatility 189 5.4.4 Tool Design: Reliability