Ambivalent Relations: How the First Nations, French Canadians and Hollywood have viewed the Métis - Darren R. Préfontaine Module Objective: In this module, the students will learn about the relationship between the Métis and their two main ancestral groups: First Nations and French Canadians. The students will also learn how Hollywood portrayed the Métis in its golden era. Métis Relations: The First Nations and the French Canadians The Métis are predominantly the descendents of First Nations (primarily Algonquian – Cree and Ojibwa) and French Canadians. Besides inheriting genetic traits from these very diverse groups, the Métis also inherited a profound cultural legacy, which they have adapted to make a unique syncretistic culture. From these disparate groups, the Métis borrowed and adapted culture, language, religion/spiritualism, clothing and economies. Also, since the Métis were a mix of these cultures, it is only natural that their culture was a mélange of all these traditions, but not derivative of them. One would assume that the relationship between the Métis and their two parent groups would be cordial. However, from the beginning relations between these groups have been ambivalent. That is not to say that in certain instances in the past and within families and communities that there were not any warm ties among the Métis and their two parent groups. Métis-First Nations Relations Much has been written about the historical relationship between Métis and Euro-Canadians and Euro-Americans; however, there are no monographs or probing essays discussing the very ambivalent relationship between Métis and First Nations. Oral tradition from First Nations and Métis Elders on this topic is sparse. Nonetheless, the pattern that emerges is one of ambivalence. This 1 ambivalence is demonstrated by the numerous names given to the Métis by various First Nations. These include the Cree terms Apeetogosan (Half-son) Apihtawikosisanak (Half-Breed) and Otipemisiwak (those who own themselves), or the Ojibwa Wissakodewinimi (half-burnt stick men), which was the equivalent of the French terms of similar meaning “bois-brûlé” and “chicot”. The Dakota also called the Métis the “Flower Beadwork People” because of the Métis’ bright floral adornments on their clothing and personal affects. Finally, in Plains Indian sign language, the Métis were known as “Half-wagon men” because of their frequent use of Red River carts. For the Michif and French- speaking Métis, the First Nations were known as “sauvages” – or the “wild people”. The historic Métis borrowed and adapted from First Nations culture, particularly languages, worldviews, and spiritual systems. Perhaps the most important aspect of Amerindian cultural retention by the Métis was their use and knowledge of First Peoples' languages (and worldviews). Most Métis spoke Cree or Saulteaux, and many more could speak Lakota, Dakota, Sarcee, Crow, Black Foot and Dene. This served the historic Métis well for they were in high demand as interpreters. Their multilingualism also made them excellent liaisons between Europeans and First Peoples. The Red River Métis also embraced First Nations spiritualism, which they participated in when the priests were not present. Many attended sweat lodges, gave offerings to the Creator and used sweet grass and sage for cleansing. Indeed, some Métis were devout Roman Catholics, who also practiced Aboriginal spiritualism, seeing no conflict between the two. Métis Elders, like their First Nations counterparts, also remitted stories and knowledge through the Oral Tradition. First Nations' traditional medicines and modes of healing were equally practiced alongside European folk 2 medicine. The Métis gathered such plants and shrubs as Seneca root for medicinal purposes and prepared them in traditional First Nations methods. Space and time indicated how the Métis related with their Cree/Ojibwa or French-Canadian parent cultures and vice versa. Some First Nations had amicable relations with the Métis; others were less cordial and some were hostile. Today, the gulf between First Nations and Métis political, social and economic agendas appears quite wide. However, earlier in history, particularly when the Métis had a small population, relations were almost always amicable between the Métis and their parent cultures. Historically, before the Canadian state legislated varying degrees of Aboriginal status, Métis and First Nations living in the Great Lakes region, while knowing their distinctness, nevertheless lived in relative harmony. Many great First Nations chiefs such as Tecumseh (1768-1813) or Shingwaukonse (1773-1854) were biologically Métis, although they identified as First Nations. Many early Great Lakes Métis such as Charles-Michel (Mouat) de Langlade (1729-1800) were considered warriors and were highly regarded by the First Nations for their martial process. For instance, the Menominee called Langlade “Akewangeketawso” or “he who is fierce for the land.” Indian leadership at the time also honoured their Métis cousins. For instance, the great Ojibwa Chief Shingwaukonse worked diligently to ensure that the Métis would be included in the provisions of the 1850 Robinson Huron and Superior Treaties. In fact, Nicholas Chastelain, a French Métis, was a spokesperson for these treaties. He was also a signatory on behalf of the Métis at Fort Frances where the Métis took adhesion to Treaty 3. 3 Throughout the nineteenth century, relations between the Métis and First Nations were strained on the Prairies, specifically when the Métis began to challenge other Aboriginal groups for control of the bison hunting grounds. For instance, in the 1830s and 1840s, the Métis fought a number of skirmishes – culminating on 13 June 1851, at the Battle of Grand Coteau – with the Dakota and Lakota over the use of the rich bison hunting fields of the Dakota Territory. The Cree, Assiniboine and the Saulteaux also had tense moments with the Métis over the use of this vital resource. In fact, many First Nations Elders believe that the Métis greatly contributed to the extermination of the bison. In the 1970s, John Yellowhorn, an hereditary Chief of the Peigan Reserve said that “the white people and half-breeds were killing all the buffalo, just to sell the hides to the Hudson’s Bay Company.” (Price p.141) Recent scholarship about nineteenth century Cree leaders Ahtahkakoop (1816-1896), Big Bear (Mistahimusqua 1825- 1888), Poundmaker (Pitikwahanapiwiyin 1840-1886) and Mistawasis show that the Métis “forced” the Cree to comply with their regulation of the bison hunt. The Métis are also accused of using poison on fur bearing animals and of indiscriminately selling whisky to First Nations. During the signing of numbered treaties on the Prairies, the Métis served as interpreters. Many First Nations Elders and scholars believe that the Métis, while having an excellent commend of Cree, did not understand Blackfoot, Tsuu T’ina or Dene. As a result, much was lost in the translation between what the First Nations expected and what the government granted to them. Worse still, some Elders accuse the Métis translators of colluding with the government. In particular, Jerry Potts (1840-1896), a hard-drinking Métis of Scots-Blood ancestry, was singled out as being incompetent in all Treaty 7 languages and in being duplicitous in his dealings with the First Nations. Many First Nations 4 Elders and scholars feel that the Métis sided with the government when dealing with the Indians. Other First Nations, particularly the Saulteaux welcomed the intermediary role played by such Métis as the James McKay (1828-1879). Largely lost in the discussion of scrip and treaties was the fact that many First Nations took scrip and many Métis took treaty. In fact, it was common government policy that those Métis who lived as Indians could be allowed to take Treaty. For instance, in 1905, Treaty No. 9 commissioners visited Fort Albany and admitted over thirty Métis into treaty. In Denendeh or Dene Country, many Métis took treaty in Treaty 8 negotiations. In both the Robinson Huron and Superior Treaties (1850) and in the varied Numbered Treaties (1871- 1909), many “Indians” who took treaty had French-Canadian names, which suggests a large presence of at least biological Métis entering treaty rolls. The gulf between First Nations and Métis seems at its greatest when discussing the events of 1885. A First Nations view of the 1885 Resistance is very different than the Métis one. For instance, Cree Elders argue that the Cree and Métis were involved in two separate and unrelated resistances – the First Nations in a peaceful resistance to have their treaty rights honoured and the Métis in a bloody resistance. It was the Métis who forced some Cree and Assiniboine to fight – with the end result being the eventual crushing of the Cree’s peaceful efforts to have their treaty promises honoured. In particular, many First Nations are angered with Louis Riel’s and Gabriel Dumont’s efforts to recruit Indians to fight with the Métis, all the while feeling that the Indians should be made to work “ as Pharaoh made the Jews work” in order to receive their entitled food rations. This is an original quote, from Riel’s pen in 1884, which was later discarded. 5 Que le gouvernment Canadien nourrisse les Sauvages. Qu’on ne donne pas à la chrétienté le spectacle navrant de les faire mourir par la faim. Si la civilisation de notre siècle le permettait, et si la Puissance le veut; que le gouvernment fasse travailler les Indiens autant que Pharaon a fait travailler les Juifs, mais `a tout prix qu’il ne les pas en proie aux halluncinations, au délire de la faim. On ne veut pas que les gens parlent pour ces sauvages; mais les Sauvages accablent les établissements métis. Les métis et autres colons dépensent plus pour les Sauvages que le gouvernment. Et on veut défendre au peuple de mentionner cet était de choses. Ce n’est pas ainsi que le gouvernment Féderal devrait aministrer les affaires indiennes.