This article was downloaded by:[Ingenta Content Distribution - Routledge] On: 27 April 2008 Access Details: [subscription number 791963552] Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Nationalism and Ethnic Politics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713636289 The political transformation of the Maronites of Lebanon: From dominance to accommodation Simon Haddad a a Notre Dame University, Lebanon Online Publication Date: 01 June 2002 To cite this Article: Haddad, Simon (2002) 'The political transformation of the Maronites of Lebanon: From dominance to accommodation', Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 8:2, 27 - 50 To link to this article: DOI: 10.1080/13537110208428660 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110208428660 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article maybe used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. The Political Transformation of the Maronites of Lebanon: From Dominance to Accommodation SIMON HADDAD The aim of this article is to examine the shifting trends in Maronite social and political behaviour in the context of Lebanese politics by drawing on a number of recent surveys. The examination focuses on six dimensions related to feeling towards sectarian leaders; perceived self-identity; political estrangement and political efficacy; intra-group attachment; propensity for inter-group cooperation; and preferred political arrangement. The findings suggest positive intra-group attachment, strong preference for Maronite leaders and at the same time dislike for some of them, with a feeling of pride and distinctive Lebanese nationalism. Respondents manifested unfavourable attitudes towards cooperation with other Lebanese religious groups, particularly the Muslims. Finally, the answers point to low support for a Christian autonomous entity and overt preference for a unitary Downloaded By: [Ingenta Content Distribution - Routledge] At: 08:28 27 April 2008 political system. Western group theorists coined the term 'protracted social conflicts' to denote cultural or identity-bound conflicts. According to Abraham, 'These confrontations are also called "people wars" in which groups of people attempt to destroy each other for land and power in a nation'.1 What they all have in common, however, is a minimum of ideological content that can cut across their differences and unify a nation.2 Examples of this type of conflict3 are extremely common in multi-ethnic or developing societies where nation-building has been largely unsuccessful because of three factors.4 First is the dominance of parochial political loyalties over national ones: parochial ties may be racial, ethnic, religious, sectarian, linguistic, tribal or clan - or any mixture of the above. In this case, attachment to the nation and its political institutions seems alien, foreign or irrelevant to oneself. In many nations, the loss of parochial identifications may seem extremely threatening because it appears to destroy one's social identity. Simon Haddad, Notre Dame University, Lebanon Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, Vol.8, No.2, Summer 2002, pp.27-50 PUBLISHED BY FRANK CASS, LONDON 28 NATIONALISM and ETHNIC POLITICS Second, there is a lack of widely accepted and operating civil procedure for conflict management. In many developing nations, the failure of civil procedures in conflict resolution stems from a widespread inability to concede that political conflicts should be resolved according to abstract rules that are enforced through national political institutions and based on impersonal standards rather than traditional modes of conflict resolution. Third, the prevalence of political distrust between social groups, in fragmented political cultures, is often endemic to inter-group relations. Thus a clash between tradition and modernization results in communal strife. All protracted social-ethnic-religious conflicts possess common features, which involve issues of identity, possession of 'historic lands', racial/ethnic exclusiveness and religious prejudices. Group theory literature provides insight into the emergence and consolidation of groups, their functions and inter-group relations. Several conflict-group theorists directly relate the rate of inter-group conflict to the extent of group cohesiveness.5 Members of a cohesive group desire to remain in their group, have positive attitudes towards their group and enjoy a great level of communication among group members. In this context, Deutsch proposes that in-group cohesion causes out-group hostility: In-group cohesion is fostered or preserved by displacing internal Downloaded By: [Ingenta Content Distribution - Routledge] At: 08:28 27 April 2008 conflict and internal frustration onto other groups, thus reducing internal dissention. Group leaders may deliberately foster antipathy to another group as a ploy to maintain or increase in-group loyalty to their leadership. Also antipathy may be employed to discredit internal opposition by identifying the opponents with the hated group.6 Fielder7 asserts that inter-communal hostility enhances group cohesiveness and that reduced external threat tends to loosen group cohesion. Intense and unresolved conflict between groups exacerbates out-group hostility. The elite or leaders of the group serve also as a vehicle for strengthening group cohesiveness. More likely, the elite believes that its particular grievances or aspirations are congruent with the group as a whole. By pressing its preferred political strategy on the entire group and mobilizing group solidarity behind its recommendations, the leadership is confident that the group is also served best. It is far better for both leadership and the group that the elite raises itself through improving the group's general political and social position while simultaneously using, maintaining and strengthening its links to the group. And the ethnic group's lower classes are persuaded that their security welfare and expectations are best served and enhanced by such intra-ethnic cohesion than by trans-ethnic class solidarity. The extent of cohesion is a function of a group social, political and economic organization, past and present. It tends to be greater among groups POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF LEBANON'S MARONITES 29 that are concentrated in a single region rather than dispersed.8 Groups with traditional authority structures are intact and relatively cohesive. Political movements and parties constitute agencies of communal political fiction, but it is rare for one political organization to incorporate most or all members of the group. Religious organizations provide strong networks that form the basis for political mobilization. A person's potential for political mobilization varies with the scope of pre-existing organizational networks.8 Foreign sympathizers can contribute substantially to a communal group's cohesion and political mobilization for collective action by providing material, political and moral support. Mordechai Nissan9 suggests that external intervention on the side of the community may contribute to the strengthening of such a group. Foreign assistance can inject new aspirations, self-confidence and a national dream for collective struggle. Perceived threats to the dominance or to the established interests of a group can also act to spur mobilization. Groups may demand greater representation, group autonomy, economic empowerment, hegemony or recognition and protection as a distinct cultural entity. In this case primordial loyalties, i.e. ethnicity, become effective tools of mass mobilization. This is especially true when social relations are structured around patrimonial models, and resource distribution is subsequently essential to maintaining patron-client relationships. Social Downloaded By: [Ingenta Content Distribution - Routledge] At: 08:28 27 April 2008 forces attach themselves to the state through vertical networks and by incorporating local institutions. This serves to strengthen primordial identities on one hand and, on the other, to make the state a battleground for the interests of communal groups. Most importantly, many scholars argue that ethnic conflicts are mainly attributed to collective fears of the future.10 'As groups begin to fear for their safety, dangerous and difficult-to-resolve strategic dilemmas arise that contain within them the potential for tremendous violence and often involve the possibility of one side's extinction.'" Political struggles consequently take place either within the framework of the state or outside the legitimate political sphere. The purpose of this study is to examine socio-political