'Divine Ulrique': Voltaire and Louisa Ulrica, Princess of Prussia and Queen of Sweden (1751-1771) Marc Serge Rivière That Voltaire adopted a paradoxical stance towards women, as he did on so many other issues, has been argued most convincingly by D. J. Adams in his excellent study, La Femme dans les contes et les romans de Voltaire: 'Voltaire exprimait son mépris ou son adoration selon son opinion de la dame en question, et non pas selon le genre qu'il employait.'1 In some of his more private statements either made in his correspondence to members of his inner circle, or confined to his notebooks, Voltaire is far from complimentary about women. Their frivolity, which is repeatedly stressed in the Contes,1 is commented upon thus in the notebooks: 'Les femmes ressemblent aux girouettes : elles se fixent quand elles se rouillent.'3 Yet, in his dealings with influential women of his day, the philosophe did not let such negative views detract from the respect and admiration which he openly professed for his patronesses. Voltaire flattered, and knew how to win over, duchesses and countesses, princesses and queens, just as he did powerful men. In assessing Voltaire's dealings with such influential women as Mme de Pompadour, Catherine II and several German and Prussian princesses, and queens, it must be remembered that his chief motive was to seek the patronage of those who were in a position to promote effectively his works in their respective countries; Jean Sareil justifiably concludes: 'Ce que Voltaire attend de madame de Pompadour, comme de tous les grands qu'il fréquente, c'est de favoriser ses ouvrages et de le protéger contre ses ennemis [...]. Pour prix de ses services, il est prêt à chanter les mérites de la maîtresse et les victoires du monarque. Son attitude est très claire.'4 1. Adams, David J., La Femme dans les romans et les contes de Voltaire (Paris, Nizet, 1974) p. 30. 2. Ibid., p. 298. 3. Voltaire, Notebooks, in Besterman, Theodore (éd.), Complete Works of Voltaire (Geneva, Institut et Musée Voltaire, 1968, 2 vols) vol. 82, p. 414. 4. Sareil, Jean, Voltaire et les grands (Geneva, Droz, 1978) p. 107. UFrS 3 (2003) 42 RIVIERE Voltaire's relationship with Louisa Ulrica, Princess of Prussia and Queen of Sweden, sheds considerable light on his personality and his ability to orchestrate a promotional campaign in Europe. Voltaire knew her, first, as the young and engaging sister of Frederick II in 1743, and became infatuated with her before she married the heir to the Swedish throne in 1744 and left Berlin for Stockholm. In what follows, it will be seen that the language used by Voltaire to address the beautiful young woman underwent a radical change, when Louisa Ulrica became Crown Princess in 1744 and Queen of Sweden in 1751. It was then that the writer embarked on his customary quest for yet another royal patron. Voltaire, 'vaniteux', 'courtisan' and 'ambitieux', can be observed at different times in his correspondence with Louisa Ulrica. A parallel with Catherine II of Russia will be drawn to this effect, while the reactions of the Queen and Empress to the most celebrated writer of his generation will be shown to be representative of many aristocratic women readers in Europe. Finally, a consideration of several madrigals addressed to Louisa Ulrica will reveal Voltaire's mastery of the art of flattery and his taste as an 'honnête homme' that controlled the liberties he took, keeping him within the confines of propriety and acceptable behaviour. Although occasional references to this close relationship crop up in general biographies of Voltaire and in monographs on Voltaire and Frederick H, to my knowledge, this long-standing, and developing, 'double-act' has not been the subject of an in-depth examination to date. Louisa Ulrica was born on 24 June 1720, the tenth child of Frederick William I (1688-1740), King of Prussia and Sophia Dorothea of Hanover (1687-1757), whom he married on 28 November 1706. She was eight years younger than her eldest brother, and heir to the throne, Frederick, later Frederick II (1712-1786). Her odier brothers were: Augustus William, Prince of Prussia (1722-1758), her favourite brother with whom she corresponded at length from 1729 until his untimely death from a brain fever in 1758; Frederick Henry Ludwig (1726-1802) who was very fond of her and visited her in Stockholm in 1771; and Augustus Ferdinand (1730-1813) who was 14 when Louisa Ulrica left Berlin in 1744 for Sweden and who never failed to write to her over the years, as testified by a lengthy correspondence that exists in the Riksarkivet in Stockholm.5 Louisa 5. See, for example, Stafsundsarchivet, Riksarkivet, Stockholm, 'Louisa Ulrika, Koncept Copior', no. 30. See also Arnheim, Fritz von, Luise Ulrike die Schwedische Schwester Friedrichs des Grossen (Gotha, Perthes, 1909,2 vols.). VOLTAIRE AND LOUISA ULRICA 43 Ulrica's sisters all attained prominent positions through marriage, except Anna Amalia (1723-1787) who remained unmarried and became Abbess of Quedlinburg in 1756; others were Wilhelmina (1709-1758), Margravine of Bayreuth; Frederike Luise (1714-1784), Margravine of Anspach; Phillippine Charlotte (1716-1801), Duchess of Brunswick-Wolfenbiittel; and Sophie (1719-1765), Margravine of Schwedt. An extensive correspondence with all her sisters confirms Louisa Ulrica's strong sense of the family and her deep affection for all its members.6 It is unlikely that Voltaire became acquainted with Frederick's sisters and brothers during his ten-day visit to Berlin in 1740. On the other hand, he became a great favourite of theirs in 1743, and even more so during his longer sojourn in Prussia from 1750 to 1753. Wilhelmina, Ulrica and Amalia all shared Frederick's love of French classical tragedy and music. Like their mother, they remained constant in their devotion to Racine's and Voltaire's theatre. When the dramatist arrived in Berlin in August 1743 and in July 1750 at Frederick's invitation, the Prussian princesses hailed him as a worthy successor to Racine. None more so than Amalia who, in early 1750, was actively involved in staging both Voltaire's and Racine's tragedies. Voltaire's play Rome Sauvée, not yet in the repertoire of the Comédie française, was performed at her residence. On 5 January 1751, Voltaire was invited to take the part of Lusignan in a private performance of his tragedy Zaïre.1 The residence of Sophia Dorothea, at Monbijou, was another favourite meeting place for devotees of Racine's and Voltaire's tragedies.8 René Pomeau wonders in De la cour au jardin if, out of deference to Amalia, Voltaire did not choose to give the Princess' name to his protagonist in the revised version of his play, Adélaïde Du 6. This correspondence has been consulted at the Geheimes Staatsarchiv PreuBicher Kulturbesitz, Berlin, and at the Riksarkivet, Stockholm. There is also a considerable corpus in the Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères (hereafter MAE), Paris, dossiers 'Prusse' and Suède'. 7. Voltaire, Correspondence and Related Documents, in Besterman, Theodore (éd.), Complete Works of Voltaire (Geneva, Institut et Musée Voltaire, 1968-77) vols 85-135. AU references will be inserted into the text and indicated by (Best. D). The orthography and punctuation of Voltaire have been faithfully reproduced, as in the Besterman edition. 8. See Pomeau, René et al., Voltaire en son temps (Oxford, The Voltaire Foundation/Paris, Fayard, 1985-1995) vol. 1, p. 639. 44 RIVIERE Guesclin (1733), published in 1752 under the title Amélie ou le duc de Foix.9 As early as 1743, Voltaire cast his spell on the Queen Mother and Princesses Amalia and Louisa Ulrica during private dinners and readings from his plays at Monbijou; Count Otto Christoph von Podewils reported on 10 September 1743 that Voltaire had treated his exclusive audience to 'deux actes d'une tragédie, qu'il compose actuellement et dont la lecture a arraché des larmes à tous les assistants' (Best. D2837). The poet and the Princess There is no evidence that Voltaire's infatuation with Louisa Ulrica dated from his all too brief visit to Rheinsberg and Berlin in November 1740. Nor are there any indications in his surviving correspondence that they were on writing terms at this stage. On the other hand, the year 1743 marked the birth and blossoming of their friendship. The adventures of Voltaire 'apprenti diplomate', who volunteered to go to Prussia to establish a rapprochement between France and Frederick H, are well-documented.10 Voltaire was feted by Frederick and other members of the royal family during this visit that lasted from 30 August until 12 October." He certainly took his diplomatic mission seriously, remarking: 'Au milieu des fêtes, des opéras, des soupers, ma négociation secrète avançait.'12 Thomas Carlyle13 and Christiane Mervaud14 have both commented on the 'glorious reception' accorded to Voltaire who endeavoured to cast his magic spell on Frederick, his siblings and their inner circles. Lapping up the attention, Voltaire neglected poor Emilie du Châtelet who received no news for a 9. Ibid. 10. See Pomeau, René et al., op. cit., vol. I, pp. 423-37; Mervaud, Christiane, Voltaire et Frédéric II. Une dramaturgie des lumières, 1736-1778, in Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, vol. 234 (Oxford, The Voltaire Foundation, 1985) pp. 135-56; Bellugou, Henri, Voltaire et Frédéric II au temps de la Marquise du Châtelet: Un trio singulier (Paris, Rivière, 1962) pp. 123-53; Sareil, op. cit., pp. 55-80. 11. Mervaud, op. cit., p. 142. 12. Voltaire, Mémoires, in Œuvres complètes, Moland, Louis (éd.), (Paris, Garnier, 1877-1885) vol. 1, p. 31. Hereafter: M. 13. Carlyle, Thomas, History of Friedrich II of Prussia (London, Chapman & Hall, n.d.) vol.