Trustees of Princeton University Contentious Politics in New Democracies: East Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, 1989- 93 Author(s): Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik Source: World Politics, Vol. 50, No. 4 (Jul., 1998), pp. 547-581 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25054056 . Accessed: 09/08/2013 10:17 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Trustees of Princeton University are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Politics. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 140.247.110.190 on Fri, 9 Aug 2013 10:17:48 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTENTIOUS POLITICS IN NEW DEMOCRACIES East Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, 1989-93 By GRZEGORZ EKIERT andJAN KUBIK* I. Protest and Postcommunist Democratic Consolidation the aftermath of the collapse of state socialism, East Central Eu states are now well on IN ropean their way toward establishing working can a democracies; and with the exception of Slovakia, they all boast solid record in the area of political liberties and human rights.1These democratized are not in re newly regimes any immediate danger of to same verting authoritarian rule. At the time, the progress of political and economic transformations has been uneven and their chances of are achieving full democratic consolidation still uncertain. Conse quently, the study of various aspects and limits of democratic consoli states as one most dation in postcommunist has emerged of the areas intriguing and challenging of comparative politics. This paper explores the question of democratic consolidation from a specific analytical and empirical angle?the comparative study of collective protest in the former East Germany, Hungary, Poland, and we to to Slovakia. By doing so, attempt accomplish three goals: (1) correct a bias in the on transitions proelite literature democratic by studying the behavior of nonelite actors; (2) to determine which factors account for and of different magnitudes specific repertoires protest; and * was at The project funded by the Program for the Study of Germany and Europe the Center of European Studies, Harvard University; the National Council for Soviet and East European Research; the American Council of Learned Societies; and the Elfriede Drager Memorial Foundation. We to would like thank Sidney Tarrow for his generous help and encouragement. For their indispensable our to assistance and advice, special gratitude goes Mark Beissinger, Nancy Bermeo, Valerie Bunce, Ellen Comisso, Ela Ekiert, Krzysztof Gorlach, Bela Greskovits, Anna Grzymala-Busse, Samuel Huntington, Kazimierz Kloc, Janos Kornai, Michael D. Kennedy, Martha Kubik, Christiane Lemke, Juan Linz, Darina Malova, Alexander Motyl, Maryjane Osa, Susan Pharr, Dieter Rucht, Anna Seleny, Mate Szabo, Charles and N. Zald. 1 Tilly, Mayer See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: The Annual Survey of Political Rights and Liberties, 1994-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1996). WorldPolitics 50 (July 1998), 547-81 This content downloaded from 140.247.110.190 on Fri, 9 Aug 2013 10:17:48 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 548 WORLD POLITICS to consider the that (3) proposition protest endangers democratic consolidation. All countries are eco of Central Europe in the throes of difficult nomic and adjustments structural changes that have engendered major dislocations and exacted considerable social costs. It has often been ar that a a to new gued such situation poses great danger these democra the costs of transitions can cies; high social easily provoke widespread to or protests leading the collapse serious weakening of democratic in stitutions.2 We economic new ask whether and how the policies of the were some more regimes actively contested. Did countries experience protest than others? What factors determine variation in protest mag nitudes and protest repertoires?the type of transformation strategy adopted, the political and social legacies of the communist rule, the level social cost and new of hardship produced by the reforms, institu or re tional architecture of the post-1989 polity, the organizational sources and various collective capabilities of actors? For example, with our a recent tra Poland the only country in sample that had strong and dition of political conflict and protest, a high level of protest could have been expected.3 Its magnitude in the former GDR is surprising, how since 1989 East has been ever; Germany similarly contentious, despite the absence of any considerable protest traditions before 1989. Are the in same high levels of protest East Germany explained by the conjunc tion of factors that operated in Poland? state Moreover, the fall of socialism opened the way for political par as case ticipation and contentious collective action, is always the when state a re institutions undergo significant transformation and abandon one a pressive political practices. Thus although would expect high level in of political mobilization and protest activities such transitory poli a not out: ties, preliminary overview of protest politics does bear that events not the number of protest in the four countries under study is in in two higher than consolidated West European democracies, and cases it is distinctly lower.Why is that so? ex Comparative studies of collective protest offer four theories for as as plaining the incidence of contentious collective action, well its 2 costs to a are Gray, for example, argued that "the human and social of transition market economy most so to can for of the post-Communist states great that it is foolish suppose that the transition be to conducted under liberal democratic institutions." John Gray, "From Postcommunism Civil Society: The Reemergence of History and the Decline of theWestern Model," in Ellen Frankel Paul, Fred D. Miller, and Jeffrey Paul, eds., Liberalism and theEconomic Order (London: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 44. 3 See Grzegorz Ekiert, "Rebellious Poles: Political Crises and Popular Protest under State Socialism, 1945-1989," East European Politics and Societies 11 (Spring 1997). This content downloaded from 140.247.110.190 on Fri, 9 Aug 2013 10:17:48 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CONTENTIOUS POLITICS 549 can ex forms and magnitude. Variation in protest characteristics be plained by underscoring (1) discontents and grievances that can be into translated protest through psychological mechanisms of relative deprivation; (2) changes in the structure of political opportunities and to existence actors' calculated responses them; (3) the prior of tradi tions, repertoires of collective action, and mobilizing collective action resources frames; and (4) the availability of (material and organiza as tional) main determinants of protest activities.4 We will consider the in our explanatory power of these four theories analysis. It should be we not to nor are we a noted, however, that do aim verify them, in po to of more variance. nature sition determine which them explains The our is not to we of data suited such tasks. Moreover, adopt here the more to comparative strategy indebted the case-oriented comparative to assume method than the variable-oriented approach. We also that we are of From dealing with multiple and conjunctural types causation.5 are not this point of view, the four theories (or analytical perspectives) to a set mutually exclusive; rather, they help identify of explanatory or not outcome variables that may may codetermine the in any given case. turn out a It may also that each of the four theories explains spe more cific dimension of collective protest and is useful for understand one set cases ing of than for understanding others. of on an Our analysis contentious politics is founded assumption a that democratic consolidation is highly contingent and complex pro cess in of the of taking place several spheres sociopolitical organization society.6 Developments within each sphere and the relationship be tween outcomes increase uncer them often produce confusing and as tainty. Moreover, democratic regimes take different paths toward so too consolidation, do the degrees of contentious political participa tion and stability of their institutional arrangements vary. 4 see For the most recent assessment of these theories and their mutual relationships, Doug on McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer Zald, eds., Comparative Perspectives Social Movements nature our we (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). The of data (events) is such that need to use macrotheories (historical-sociological), rather than microtheories(game-theoretic), of collective see s action. For the discussion of the significance of both perspectives, Marc Lichbach, The Rebel Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), esp. chap. 10. 5 are serves to These ideas developed by Ragin. The concept of conjunctural causation indicate that on in the social world causes work in interaction with each other and their effects the dependent/ are not explained variable merely additive.