of clubs which are identified as The Scottish state and representing a tradition, and a connection with fans and players from the past which is resistant to the criminalisation of the drives of commercialism and globalisation (Lavalette, 2013). COMMENT football fans Arguably the best known ultras group in Britain today are the Green Brigade (GB) at Celtic. The AND Michael Lavalette and Gerry Mooney problematic relationship they have consider football fandom and the ‘ultras’ with Celtic Football Club is reflective of the broader contradictions of SUES phenomenon fandom. The Club have acquiesced IS in the creation of a distinct Green Brigade area in the stadium that has AL Football crowds have been viewed contradictory. In many respects effectively been handed over to the as a problematic presence from the ultras represent a challenge to GB, and they regulate the fans and the start of the modern game. those who run football clubs. They activities within that section to a ‘Uncontrolled’ working class fans contest the meaning and ‘ownership’ degree. The Club benefits from new TOPIC have a contradictory position of the clubs, often summed up in songs and the colourful displays the within football. They help create the slogan ‘FC not PLC’. Owners section initiates, but are also the atmosphere at matches, pay to are viewed, at best, as custodians regularly at loggerheads with the enter the grounds and are a source of commercial exploitation but also potentially threaten to disrupt matches or clash with rivals both in and around grounds. For the state, and for the clubs, fans represent a Brigade problem of ‘law and order’. How can and should fans be moved Green e about? How can the (particularly) Th young fans be controlled? of At different points in time various courtesy groups have been viewed as particularly problematic: hooligans, Photo casuals and today, increasingly, ‘ultras’. There is some confusion amongst many people when they hear the term ‘football ultras’. Many assume it is a synonym for ‘hooligan’ – but whilst some ultras do engage in violence most ultras are not looking for trouble or violent clashes with fans from other teams. Another common misconception is that ultras is a short–hand to refer to football fans with connections to the far- right. But there is nothing inevitable about ultras groups being right-wing and there are explicitly left-wing ultras groups in clubs across Europe – notably the Commando Ultras 84 (at Olympic de Marseille), Brigate Autonome Livorno 99 (Livorno) and Original 21 (AEK Athens). ‘Ultras’ and the contradictions of fandom The relationship between football clubs and the ultras is often A Green Brigade protest against the Scottish Government at Celtic Park 22 ©2013 Centre for Crime and Justice Studies 10.1080/09627251.2013.833790 rCJM No 93.indd 22 13/08/2013 10:46:31 group. Throughout the 2011/2012 season there were announcements and leaflets from the club threatening fans who stood up and made ‘lateral movements’ during games. This was a reference to the movements of the COMMENT GB as they sang. Football stadia regulations were quoted to back the Club’s case and the local authorities AND issued a threat that they may ‘close the ground’ because of the fans’ behaviour. Yet every time an announcement about the ‘lateral SUES movements’ was made it was met IS with resounding ‘boos’ from the crowd as a whole. AL Over the course of the 2012/2013 season the GB were vociferous in their complaints about their treatment from the Club and, more TOPIC importantly, by Strathclyde police. Several members of the group were arrested at home. Others were Celtic supporters gather in Glasgow’s George Square in April 2013 to protest against the picked up en route to matches. criminalisation of football fans Photo courtesy of The Green Brigade Banners were removed. Members were served with match bans (often without prior knowledge) or travelling bans. In the ground, police under such pressure from the state anti-racist, anti-sectarian, anti- officers with cameras swarmed all we need to look at their history and fascist and left-wing and proud of over the section. The GB’s case is activities. the fact. that this level of police surveillance (celtictalk.org, 2010) and harassment would not be Celtic’s Ultras: the green possible without the cooperation of brigade Since their inception, the GB have the Club. On the weekend of 16 Formed over the summer of 2006, tried to bring colour and song to February 2013, as many of them the GB was a reaction to the home and away games through entered the ground, they were met direction the corporate owners were their chants, banners and in their with officers with lists of names of taking the club. Like most big clubs displays which also define the those they wanted to ‘monitor’. In in Britain, Celtic bought into the group’s stance on a particular issue. response the ultras refused to take attempt to rebrand top class football. Perhaps the most ‘notorious’ of their their seats. In effect this was the third All seater stadia; a more ‘family banner displays came in November boycott against harassment the group orientated’ atmosphere; an emphasis 2010. On the nearest Saturday to had participated on ‘corporate Remembrance Sunday teams in the in during the The GB was a reaction hospitality’: all Scottish Premier League were to 2012/2013 with the intention wear a red poppy on their shirts. season. to the direction the of altering the Complaining about the role of British This ‘match day troops in the murder of civilians from harassment corporate owners were experience’. The Ireland to Iraq the GB section of the reached a new taking the club result at most top ground was covered with a banner level on Saturday clubs was to kill proclaiming: ‘Your deeds would 16 March 2013, the atmosphere. shame all the devils in Hell. Ireland, when about 200 supporters of the Singing was often reduced to an Iraq, Afghanistan. No Blood Stained group were ‘kettled’ in Glasgow’s occasional tune at matches with Poppies on Our Hoops’ (‘Hoops’ Gallowgate area. The policing was close rivals. While keen to improve being a popular name for Celtic’s considered so extreme (horses, dogs the atmosphere at Celtic Park, the GB shirt). Such banner protests are only and a helicopter were all deployed) was also clear from the beginning one part of the group’s campaigning it led to a number of well publicised that they were a political grouping. work. The GB is involved with the critical comments from lawyers, The originators were clear about Alerta Network of anti-fascist fans politicians and sections of the media, their aims: groups. As part of their anti-racist with some claiming it was work they hold an annual ‘anti- tantamount to ‘police state’ (Spiers, What makes the Green Brigade discrimination’ football tournament 2013). To understand why the GB is different is our politics. We are which involves teams made up of cjm no. 93 September 2013 23 rCJM No 93.indd 23 13/08/2013 10:46:31 against Hearts. several demonstrations against the Subsequently a range of Act, including on Saturday 6 April people with connections to 2013, when around 3,000 to 4,000 Celtic including Lennon, mainly Celtic football fans Celtic players Paddy demonstrated in Central Glasgow. McCourt and Niall McGinn COMMENT (all three of Catholic origin The Scottish state and policing from the North of Ireland), the working class were sent bullets though the The GB has been targeted by the AND post. police because they represent a The problem seemed politically orientated approach obvious to some, to football fandom. The policing SUES sectarianism and anti-Irish of working class football fans in IS racism. But the Scottish Scotland before the new legislation Government (2012), was generally unacceptable – but AL decided to act against the new legislation has made matters ‘offensive behaviour’ at worse. There is a wider political football grounds (and on the context here. The SNP Government web). The Offensive are advancing a model of a ‘new’, TOPIC Behaviour at Football and ‘modern’ Scotland in which aspects Threatening of working class culture are seen as Courtesy of Fans Against Criminalisation Communications (Scotland) highly problematic. The legislation Act, 2012 came into force we have highlighted here together on 1 March 2012. with other legislation around the local asylum seekers. The slogan of ‘Offensive behaviour was ill-defined. minimum pricing of alcohol reflects the event reflects Celtic’s own roots It is identified as ‘sectarian singing’ a more general concern to reshape in the Irish migrant community: and offensive acts and language Scottish society. In this the Scottish ‘Made by Immigrants, Refugees (McConville, 2013). The Act attempts state has been deployed with force to Welcome’. to criminalise ‘offensive’ chanting implement this. That we refer here to However, what has undoubtedly and behaviour’ at matches but for a Scottish state is a direct challenge provoked the ire of the Scottish supporters of the GB their chanting is to claims that Scotland is, this side of police and the Scottish Government primarily political. How is that to be independence, a ‘stateless nation’. is the GB’s self-defined socialist- judged? In the policing of football fans in republicanism. Despite Scottish The legislation was widely seen a Scotland today, the power of the media reports to the contrary, the GB panic reaction from the Scottish Scottish state betrays such claims. n rarely sing pro-IRA songs. However, Government and has led to the in their repertoire police targeting Michael Lavalette is Professor of Social are a number of fan groups at Work, Liverpool Hope University.