THE JACKSONIAN MOVEMENT IN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY Bv ALFRED ALEXANDER CAVE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA June, 1961 UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IIIIIIIIMIilllililllillllil 3 1262 08552 5581 PREFACE The purpose of this study is to trace the varied interpre- tations of the nature and significance of the Jacksonian movement as they have developed from Jackson's day to our own. The author has conceived his first responsibility to be the faithful reproduction of the interpretative ideas regarding the Jacksonian movement and its place in American history which have been advanced throu^ the years. His primary purpose is to trace their evolution, not to pass judgment on their validity. In this historiographic essay no effort will be made to suggest a final, "definitive" interpretation of the Jacksonian era. The first two chapters of this study are devoted to the parti- san debates of the Jackson era. In dealing with the conteD5)orary partisan interpretations of the party battles of the Jackson era, this writer has endeavored to present the themes embodied in the political polemics of the day as he found them. Though some measure of interpre- tation is implicit and inevitable in the very act of the selection of materials, as vrell as in the manner of their presentation, it has not been the author's intention to advance his ovm interpretation of the Jacksonian movement. Rather, he has sought to answer the question. How did the partisans of Jackson's day defend their party programs? How did they explain their relationship to the main stream of American history? However, because the supporters of Jackson and the adherents ii of Whiggery were both beset by dissension vrithin their oim ranks, it has been necessary to delineate the factional cleavages vrithin both parties in order to give meaning to the diverse and contrjidictory argu- ments employed by both sides. In portr2ij''ing these partisam interpretations, the author has drawn heavily on the standard sources of the period: newspapers, magazines, political broadsides and pamphlets, legislative proceedings, private correspondence, diaries, memoirs eind czunpaign biographies. This portrayal of the partisan arguments of Jackson's day has been necessary, because, as the author found early in the course of his investigations, many of the major interpretations of the meaning and significance of the Jacksonian political struggles were first advanced, in highly incomplete and greatly exaggerated form, by the historical actors themselves and msiy be found in the sources of the period. To understand the later historiography of the Jacksonian epoch, an under- standing of these themes is imperative. The major portion of the study is devoted to interpretations of the Jackson era advanced by professional historians of later gener- ations. In tracing the course of the varying interpretations of the Jacksonian movement, the author has endeavored to sinswer the question, Why does one interpretative theme appeal to one generation and leave another uninterested and unimpressed? Why do historians of one period regsurd certain partisan fulminations with great seriousness, while those of the next may dismiss the SEune statements as enq^ty cant? In making his inquiry, he has turned to an examination of the changing political and intellectusil climate of opinion and has endeavored to judge its inqjact on historical thought. Though restricted to the historiography of the Jacksonian era, this study is directed to the investigation of the problem of historical relativism. An attempt has been made to determine Trtiether and to \Tha± extent the historian's sensitivity to current philosophical trends and contemporary political issues influ- ence his decision to accept certain interpretative themes and reject others. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The TJriter gratefully acknowledges his indebtedness to his committee for their advice emd assistance in the preparation of this study. Special thanlcs are extended to Dr. Arthur Tf, Thompson for his sympathetic and painstalcing supervision of this undertaking. The VTriter is also deeply indebted to Dr, Clifton K. Yearley for his valu- able criticisms of the first draft of the manuscript, to Dr, William G, Carleton and Dr, Franklin A, Doty for their perceptive remarks on the problems of the Jacksonian era, and to Dr, Donadd Worcester for much needed friendly encouragement and moral support. The "srriter wishes to thanlc the staff of the University of Florida Library for their invaluable assistance in obtaining through inter-library loan many of the materials used in the preparation of this study. TABI£ OF CONTEl^S Page PREFACE ii ACKNO^ILEDGEMENTS v Chapter I. PAISi^ISAN EriEEPRETATIONS OF THE JACKSONIAl^ MOVEMENTS THE JACKSONIANS 1 II. PAKTISAN INTERPRETATIONS OF THE JACKSONIAN MOVEMENT: THE KHIGS 51 III. JACI'50NIA2J DEMOCRACY AND NINETEENTH CENTURY HISTORICAL SCHOLARSHIP 92 IV. JACKSONIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY, 1890-1945 152 V. RECENT TRENDS IN JACKSONIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY . 207 EPILOGUE 230 BIBLIOGRAPHY , 240 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 258 vi CHAPTER I PARTISAN INTERPRETATIONS OF THE JACKSONIAN MOVEMENT: THE JACKSONIANS Noting the widespread jubilation i^hich created Andrsr Jackson's inauguration in 1829, Daniel Webster remarked caustically: "The people seem to think that the country has been rescued from some f^reat danger," To faithful readers of the Jacksonian press, such a conviction may veil have seemed rather plausible. Throughout the canqjaign, Jacksonian politicians and publicists had decried tha alleged existence of an "aristocratic conspiracy" to undermine Republican government in America, The question involved in this presidential election ^proclaimed Duff Green's United States Telegraph J is not vho shall be our rulers . , but \*iether this government shall be a Republic, or degenerate into a monarchy, , , , Intoning again and again the ominous phrase "Corrupt Bargain" the cohorts of Old Hickory lambasted their opponents for their "contempt" for the popular will and "hatred of republican principles," To the Jacksonian faithful, the refusal of Congress, dominated by the parti- sans of Adams and Clay, to select General Jackson, the candidate re- ceiving the largest popular vote, as President in the contested election of 1824-25, provided cardinal proof of the truth of these dire alle- gations,-'- George Ticknor Curtis, The Life of Daniel Tfebster (New York, 1870), I, 340; United States Telegraph , October 17. 28. 1827. March 1 (extra). May 10 (extra), September 18, October 17, 26, 1828; National Jou:\..al, February 1, 1825, December 29, 1827, April 15, 17, 1828; - 2 - Embellishing this theme, the Jacksonian press had warned its and an readers that John Quincy Adams, "an aristocrat" in spirit "perpetuation American "only by accident of birth," conspired to the result in "degrading of his power." His success, it was charged, would community," the dignity of the office and corrupting the morals of the of the It was further asserted that Adams had used the influence presidential office to recruit the press in support of his unholy de- termination to "put down Liberty and raise in its place Aristocracy." readers of Dwelling on this topic, the Telegraph pointedly reminded its Adams' Fedei^alist antecedents. The contest, then CGroen declared! is now as in 1798 and patronage 1800 between the people on one side and the power and of the government on the other. The press is the fountain whence the people drink the living water of political truth. The adininistration of the elder Adams attempted to dry up the fountain by sedition laws, that of the younger attempts to of poison it by bribery. The reign of the one was the reign reign of corruption . terror , that of the other is a the Crying of "executive despotism" Jacksonian propagandists warned of "coming of monarchy" and prophesied the end of the Republic, should their cause fail to be sustained by an aroused populace. In its militant efforts to expose "infidelity" to the national heritage, the Jacksonian press ruthlessly scrutinized every aspect of Adams' private life. Indignant editorials deplored the President's "contemptuous disdain" for "true Republican simplicity." Throughout desire his career, it was declared, Adams "manifested an over-weaning the seat of to introduce anti-Republican and aristocratic fashions at government." Some concluded that "his foreign education and long TIashington Gazette , February 23, 1825. (ex-tra), February 8, ^United States Telegraph , October 27, 1827 1828 - 3 - residence abroad have rendered him incompetent justly to appreciate and regard the sterling but unadorned features of the American character," Other journals, no doubt hoping to horrify both the pious and the thrifty, reported that Adams, a profligate and an infidel, had furnished the White House with a billiard table, at government expense! It was also claimed that the wicked New England aristocrat "was vront" to violate the Sabbath by riding "like mad" throu^ the countryside, clad in the finery of a British country squire. An obscene story iriiich charged that Adams, as Americsin Minister to the court of the Czar of all the Russians, had brutally subjected a virtuous American girl to the foul desires of that tyrsmt cilso gained wide circulation. And, ais crowning proof of Adams' animosity to the "principles of true Republi- canism," some highly scurrilous verses ridiculing Thomas Jefferson and lampooning