International Journal of Korean History(Vol.10, Dec. 2006) 95 Japanese Residents in Korea and the Modernization of Chosŏn* –A Preliminary analysis based on the case of the conflicts related to the Panggongnyŏng (防穀令, Grain Export Prohibition Order)– Yamada Ryosuke∗∗ Introduction The debate over the issue of ‘colonial modernity’, in which Korean academics have occupied the central role, has in recent years become increasingly active. As a detailed analysis of all the aspects of this debate is beyond the scope of this study, the focus herein is on a recently published book which was produced as a result of a joint research project between Korea and Japan. This particular work assumes a unique standpoint on the issue of ‘colonial modernity’ in that unlike the existing positive view of ‘modernization in colony’, it, therefore, attempts to raise awareness of the problematic issues incorporated in such ‘modernity’.1 The new standpoint on colonial modernity introduced in the above- mentioned book represents an attempt to relativize the heretofore positively evaluated ‘modernity’ or ‘modernization’, which in turn has been based on an assessment of ‘modernization in colony’ rooted in the * The author would like to express his gratitude to The Japan-Korea Cultural Foundation. Special thanks also go to the Center for Korean History, The Institute of Korean Culture of Korea University. ** Lecturer, Kurume University(久留米大学) 96 Japanese Residents in Korea and the Modernization of Chosŏn economic growth achieved during the Japanese colonial era.2 Furthermore, the presentation of the debate over colonial modernity from this new perspective can lead to a reorganization of the standpoint from which the modernization of the Korean peninsula is viewed, i.e. based on a notion of ‘modernity’ that can be commonly applied to global history rather than only to a certain country’s history. This critical view of ‘modernization’ has also been visible in trends in the study of the ‘history of minjung(民衆: the common people) movements’ conducted in Japan. For example, Cho Kyeungdal(趙景達) asserted that the ‘modernization in colony’ or ‘exploitation’ theory can be likened to the evaluation of the colonial era from the point in time at which ‘modernity’ was reached. Claiming that while the exploitation of the minjung and loss of their culture as part of the modernization process was in fact a universal phenomenon, he also stressed the fact that those ‘minjung ‘ who resided in area where the modernization and colonial processes had been simultaneously carried out were in fact exposed to even more severe circumstances. 3 As argued by Cho, the minjung movements, which surfaced in Korea from the mid-19th century until the Japanese colonial era, should also be understood as minjung movements which occurred during the transition toward modernity, and which share universal attributes when viewed from the standpoint of global history.4 Although periodic differences can be found with regards to the responses of the Korean minjung during the process of being incorporated into the global capitalist order that commenced with the Kanghwa Treaty of 1876-in this paper, I would like to interpret this process as the transitional period towards modernity- when the modernity of Chosŏn is viewed from this above standpoint, the various responses of the minjung can be regarded as being part of a phenomenon akin to what emerged in Japan and Europe when the latter were under similar circumstances. As such, could the modernization of Chosŏn be regarded as the process through which the ‘political economy’ overwhelmed the ‘moral economy’? Research using the concept of moral economy mentioned above has been classified in historical studies as belonging to the political culture Yamada Ryosuke 97 genre; specifically, as having developed in the field of Western history. Yamane Tetuya(山根徹也), who recently analyzed the minjung movement in Prussia during the 19th century using this concept, defined, based on E.P. Thompson’s theory, a moral economy as representing another type of economic principle, and as one which conflicts with the political economy characterized by the principle of a market economy. While a moral economy encompasses various elements, it can generally be characterized as a rule which guarantees the survival of the people by regulating the exchange of goods such as food and labor. The moral economy is premised on the notion of social justice and the need to implement such rules.5 In addition, based on Thompson’s theory, Shibata Michio (柴田三千雄), who analyzed the relationship between the minjung movements in modern Europe and the capitalistic global system, defined the culture which served as the background to the food riots that emerged in Europe during the transition towards modernity as that of a moral economy. This moral economy, he argued, was in the modern world pitted against the free competition principle-based political economy geared towards the establishment of hegemony.6 With regard to the history of the minjung movement in Japan, one of the main focuses has been on the conducting of studies which have analyzed the relationship between Japanese modernization and the minjung movement from the standpoint of the theory of a moral economy. For example, Tsurumaki Takao (鶴卷孝雄), who emphasized from the standpoint of global history the universality of the minjung movement which emerged during the process of incorporation into the capitalist structure, presented the argument the minjung movements which surfaced during the formation of the modern era represent the response of the people challenged by such ‘modernity’. The minjung movements were developed based on the presence of prerequisites such as relations between the ruler-ruled within a traditional society, social structures, values/norms (concept of injustice/ justice),and the notion of the power of the premodern.7 98 Japanese Residents in Korea and the Modernization of Chosŏn The above arguments are focused on the fact that the minjung movements which emerged during the process of dismantling the existing autonomous ‘minjung world’ as a result of the social shift wrought by modernization – and especially capitalism- were not oriented towards bringing about a modern society as had previously been asserted in historical studies, but rather carried out based on traditional social norms and value criterion. 8 Although a rhetorical expression, the process of ‘modernization’ can to some degree be regarded as the ‘process of shedding premodernity’.9 However, while the minjung movements that surfaced around the world during the transition towards modernity may be perceived as a common phenomenon that emerged as part of the process of incorporation into the global capitalist system, the minjung movements which erupted in Chosŏn also featured additional characteristics. Here, the existence of foreigners –mainly Japanese– in the minjung movements that emerged on the Korean peninsula cannot be ignored. To this end, I would now like to analyze the previous research on the activities of Japanese residents in Korea. Compared to the number of studies which have been conducted on political and economic history, there have been relatively few studies carried out on the topic of Japanese residents in Korea. While the first study on this subject conducted in Japan was produced by Kajimura Hideki (梶村秀樹), the first comprehensive approach to the period spanning from the era of Opening Ports(開港期) to the colonial era was - recently published by Takasaki Soji (高崎宗司)’s work.10 Takasaki argued that the Japanese military was not the only participant in Japan’s invasion of Chosŏn; rather, this invasion was propped up by the ‘grassroots-invasion’, or ‘grassroots-colonial rule’ conducted by scores of anonymous Japanese nationals. 11 Meanwhile, Kajimura argued that Japanese residents in Korea had been the force on the frontlines of the Japanese invasion of Korea.12 However, Takasaki’s work, which can be characterized as a comprehensive approach to history, was focused on a general analysis of historical events. Furthermore, Kajimura perceived Yamada Ryosuke 99 these Japanese residents in Korea as ‘rogues’, as revealed by his pondering of the question of, “why did they cause such disturbances in another country without any hesitations?”13 The critical evaluation of Japanese residents’ activities in Korea, which are linked to Japan’s invasion, can be perceived as the common thread which runs through these two researchers’ studies. Such evaluations of the history of this period from the current standpoint must be regarded as having made an important contribution to the field. That being said, a discussion of the historical significance of such activities that is based on a perception of these Japanese residents as invaders, and that only emphasizes the injustice of their activities, cannot be regarded as portraying a full picture of things as they were. Of course, even when judged from the vantage point of this particular period, crimes and injustices were committed by certain Japanese residents in Korea. However, as Kajimura has argued, despite the so- called ‘collusion’ between Japanese residents in Korea and the state power apparatus (Japanese government),14 Japanese judicial bodies, such as the police guards attached to the Japanese consulate, nevertheless monitored the actions of Japanese residents.15 Even the Japanese government during this period could not have blindly protected those who committed actions deemed to be unjust. Rather, the problem lies in the fact that the majority of Japanese residents regarded their activities as being ‘justified’ ones. In other words, the Japanese government and the organizations dispatched to Korea, based on a set of established norms, aggressively defended actions which they perceived as being ‘just’ when conflicts and disputes emerged in Korea. As a result, the ‘collusion’ alluded to by Kajimura between the Japanese residents in Korea and state power was born. In other words, when dealing with the conflicts and disputes that occurred on the Korean peninsula, a more internalized approach to Japanese and Korean perceptions of justice should be adopted.
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