Draft 1 A Resource Guide for Municipalities: Community Based Crime and Violence Prevention in Urban Latin America I: Setting the Stage 1. Foreword The purpose of this Resource Book is to provide Latin American Mayors with information on how to design violence and crime reduction programs. It brings together the best information we could find on best practice principles, step-by- step approaches, and examples of international municipal crime and violence prevention and reduction strategies. The bulk of the report simply reproduces the “Manual for Community Based Crime Prevention” done by the Government of South Africa, which we adapted to the Latin American context mostly by adding examples from the region. We ae very grateful to the authors of the Manual for waiving their copyrights in the interest of disseminating their work. We also draw on the work of many other agencies such as the Safer Cities Programme of UN-Habitat, WHO, the International Center for the Prevention of Crime Our goal, when putting together this Resource Book, was both very modest and very ambitious. Modest, because we did not attempt to do any original research – rather to synthesize useful information. Ambitious, because it is our sincere hope that it can be useful to mayors and city officials tackling difficult problems of crime and violence. Thus, our goal is that this guide - whether followed in full or just piecemeal – can provide municipalities that are devising their own crime and violence preventions strategies with some helpful - and above all, practical - advice, resources, and inspiration. 2. Brief overview of urban crime and violence in Latin America While not a new phenomenon in most of Latin America, crime and violence have increased dramatically in recent decades and are now recognized as a serious 1 economic and social problem, particularly in the urban areas of the region. Rapid urbanization, persistent poverty and inequality, political violence, the more organized nature of crime, and the emergence of illegal drug use and drug trafficking are often cited as root causes of this increase. Crime and violence affects all levels of society: the rich and – even more - the poor, women and men, and young and old. The economic costs of crime and violence are high. It is estimated that homicides in Latin America cost approximately USD $27,737 million each year and that the region loses 14% of its GDP to violence (Guerrero, 1999). Urban crime and violence also generate a climate of fear. The fear of crime and violence are ‘serious threats to the stability and social climate of cities, to sustainable and economic development, the quality of life and human rights’. (UN- Habitat Safer Cities, 2002). The costs of crime and violence are often divided into four categories: direct /indirect costs, non-monetary costs, economic multiplier effects, social multiplier effects. Direct and indirect costs Direct costs of crime and violence measure the value of goods and services spent dealing with the effects of and/or preventing c rime and violence through the use of scarce public and private resources on the criminal justice system, incarceration, medical services, housing and social services. The indirect costs include lost investment opportunities, foregone earnings of criminals and victims of crime and violence. In Colombia public spending on security and criminal justice was 5 % of the country GDP in 1996 and private expenditures on security 1.4 % of GDP. El Salvador spent over 6 % of 1995 GDP to cover expenses on government institutions, legal costs, personal injuries and prevention programs. In Mexico City the economic costs of violence amounted to US $ 1.9 million, representing 0.7 % of the country’s 1995 GDP or 2.7 % of the nation’s capital 1995 GDP. (Lozano, Hijar, Zurita et al., CAPITAL LESIONADA: VIOLENCIA EN CIUDAD DE MÉXICO) Non-monetary costs Non-monetary costs measure the non-economic effects on the victims of crime and violence. It is evaluated by taking into consideration: increased morbidity (diseases resulting from violence like disability, mental injuries), increased mortality via homicide and suicide, abuse of alcohol and drugs, depressive disorders. In 1993 the World Bank estimated that rape and domestic violence caused 9 million disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) to be lost annually in the world, more than the total for all type of cancers affecting women, and more than double the total DALYs lost by women in motor vehicle accidents. (Reference?). In El Salvador 178,000 DALYs were lost in 1995 because of violent death (Cruz and 2Romano, 1997: 30); 60,792 in Peru (Instituto Apoyo, 1997:16), 163,136 in Rio de Janeiro (ISER, 1998: 42), and 57,673 in Mexico City (Fundación Mexicana para la Salud, 1997: 14). Economic multiplier effects The economic multiplier effects measure the overall impact that crime and violence have on the macroeconomic situation of a country, the labor market, as well as inter-generational productivity impacts. For example, victims of domestic violence have higher rates of absenteeism, are more likely to be fired from their jobs, and the domestic violence affects their earning power. A 1997 study showed a significant difference in labor earnings amongst women who do and do not suffer physical violence. In Managua, Nicaragua, women victims of severe physical violence earned only 57% as much as their non- abused peers, while in Santiago, Chile, the percentage was only 39%. Lost earnings for all women represented about 1.6% of 1996 GDP in Nicaragua, whereas in Chile it was more than 2%. ( Morrison and Orlando, 1997) Social multiplier effects The social multiplier effects measure the impact of crime and violence in such areas as: the erosion of social capital; the inter-generational transmission of violence; the reduction in quality of life; and effects on citizenship, and confidence in and functioning of the democratic process, government and its institutions. Dealing with crime and violence in urban projects Throughout Latin America examples can be found of crime and violence affecting urban projects such as slum upgrading, water and electricity supply, health and education, and integrated ‘neighborhood upgrading’ projects. For example, the Favela Bairro project in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, reported active opposition - even sabotage - by gangs and organized crime in some communities to the activities of the project. Whilst better infrastructure and more integrated, functioning and organized communities are priorities for most people living in these communities, they can undermine the power of these criminal organizations over the neighborhood, and facilitate better access for state and law-enforcement institutions. 3 Conceptual frameworks and policy response Various frameworks to understand crime and violence and to develop corollary policy responses have been developed. One prominent approach comes from the field of public health and is based on the identification and addressing of risk factors.1 This model is widely used throughout the region. The WHO/PAHO framework of violence is an example of this approach. The World Health Organization’s (WHO) definition of violence: *** This box will be updated to include a summary of the new WHO report on violence ****** “The intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person or against a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, mal development or deprivation.” Violence can be divided into three broad categories: - Self-directed violence covers physical harm inflicted by oneself; this category is subdivided into suicidal behavior and self-abuse. - Interpersonal violence relates to injury or harm caused by one individual to another, related (domestic violence) or unrelated (community violence). - Collective violence focuses on harmful acts committed by a group ; these acts can be of political, economic or social motivations. Violence may manifest physically, psychologically, emotionally or sexually. The WHO’s recently launched World report on violence and health (October, 2002) is an excellent and exhaustive resource on the definitions, public health approach and policy responses to various manifestations of violence around the globe: Risk factors associated with urban crime and violence Crime and violence may be triggered by a series of factors which can be classified in three groups: individual factors, domestic/household factors, and societal factors. 1 Whilst looking at risk factors is very important, various authors have highlighted the need to also look at the strengths and assets of individuals and communities, not just their problems. See International Centre for the Prevention of Crime, 2000; Moser, 1998, 2000) 5 Individual factors Individual factors are inherent to a person such as gender, age, biological and physiological characteristics, and family environment. These can increase an individual’s predisposition to violence. Brain abnormalities, neurological dysfunctions, learning disabilities, prenatal and perinatal complications, and head injuries can be responsible for violent conduct. In terms of gender, in Latin America – as in the rest of the world - violent behavior is much more common among (young) men than women. Domestic/Household factors Domestic risk factors include the following: household size and density, history of family violence, poor monitoring and supervision of children, ineffective parenting skills, school drop-out, and