DICTIONARY OF RACE AND ETHNIC RELATIONS Fourth Edition ROUTLEDGE BOOKS BY ELLIS CASHMORE The Black Culture Industry …and there was television Making Sense of Sports Out of Order? Policing black people (with Eugene McLaughlin) Black Sportsmen HIS OTHER BOOKS The Logic of Racism United Kingdom? Class, race and gender since the war Having To—The world of oneparent families No Future: Youth and society Rastaman: The rastafarian movement in England Introduction to Race Relations (with Barry Troyna) Black Youth in Crisis (with Barry Troyna) Approaching Social Theory (with Bob Mullan) DICTIONARY OF RACE AND ETHNIC RELATIONS FOURTH EDITION ELLIS CASHMORE with MICHAEL BANTON • JAMES JENNINGS, BARRY TROYNA • PIERRE L.VAN DEN BERGHE and specialist contributions from Heribert Adam • Molefi Kete Asanti • Stephanie Athey Carl Bagley • Kingsley Bolton • Roy L.Brooks Richard Broome • Bonnie G.Campodonico Robin Cohen • James W.Covington • Guy Cumberbatch John A.Garcia • Ian Hancock • Michael Hechter Gita Jairaj • Robert Kerstein • Zeus Leonardo Timothy J.Lukes • Peter McLaren • Eugene McLaughlin Robert Miles • Kogila Moodley • Marshall Murphree George Paton • Jan Nederveen Pieterse • Peter Ratcliffe Amy I.Shepper • Betty Lee Sung • John Solomos Stuart D.Stein • Roy Todd • Robin Ward Steven Vertovec • Loretta Zimmerman London and New York First published 1984 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. Second edition published in 1988 Third edition published in 1994; reprinted 1995 Fourth edition published in 1996 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane London EC4P 4EE 29 West 35th Street New York, NY 10001 © Routledge & Kegan Paul 1984, 1988 This edition © Routledge 1996 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress ISBN 0-203-43751-9 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-74575-2 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0-415-15167-8 (hb) 0-415-13822-1 (pb) CONTENTS Contributors vii Introduction x Dictionary 1 Index 389 v In memory of BARRY TROYNA 1952–1996 A pioneering scholar and a beloved friend CONTRIBUTORS ELLIS CASHMORE Professor of Sociology Staffordshire University PRIMARY CONTRIBUTORS MICHAEL BANTON Professor Emeritus of Sociology University of Bristol JAMES JENNINGS Professor of Political Science University of Massachusetts BARRY TROYNA Professor of Education University of Warwick PIERRE VAN DEN BERGHE Professor of Anthropology & Sociology University of Washington SPECIALIST CONTRIBUTORS HERIBERT ADAM Simon Fraser University MOLEFI KETE ASANTI Temple University, Philadelphia STEPHANIE ATHEY Stetson University CARL BAGLEY Staffordshire University KINGSLEY BOLTON University of Hong Kong vii viii Contributors ROY L BROOKS San Diego Law School RICHARD BROOME La Trobe University, Melbourne BONNIE G.CAMPODONICO Santa Clara University ROBIN COHEN University of Warwick JAMES W COVINGTON University of Tampa GUY CUMBERBATCH Aston University JOHN A GARCIA University of Arizona IAN HANCOCK University of Texas MICHAEL HECHTER University of Arizona/Oxford University GITA JAIRAJ Freelance Writer London ROBERT KERSTEIN University of Tampa ZEUS LEONARDO University of California TIMOTHY J LUKES Santa Clara University PETER McLAREN University of California EUGENE McLAUGHLIN Open University Contributors ix ROBERT MILES University of Glasgow KOGILA MOODLEY University of British Columbia MARSHALL MURPHREE University of Zimbabwe GEORGE PATON Aston University PETER RATCLIFFE University of Warwick AMY I SHEPPER University of South Florida JOHN SOLOMOS University of Southampton STUART D STEIN University of the West of England BETTY LEE SUNG City College of New York ROY TODD University of Leeds STEVEN VERTOVEC University of Warwick ROBIN WARD Formerly of Nottingham Trent University LORETTA ZIMMERMAN University of Portland INTRODUCTION What makes race so intractable, so resilient to every known policy, program or provision? More than thirty years after the first legislation designed to reduce the effects of discrimination, we find ample proof of the presence of race in public and private life. Since the publication of the third edition of this book, four key episodes have reawakened us to the fact that race remains a relentless, enervating issue of our times. There can be few, if any, issues that command so much attention and effort with so little yield. Each time, we relax our concentration, a new disclosure reveals the complexity, virulence and sheer obduracy of what has become arguably the problem of the late twentieth century. As the trial of O.J.Simpson progressed through 1994–5, research indicated a curious difference in interpretation of the evidence and testimony presented. Only five percent of whites polled believed Simpson was innocent, while twenty percent were convinced he was guilty before the trial had even started. Twenty-eight percent of blacks said they were certain Simpson was innocent of the brutal stabbings which took place on the night of June 12, 1994, on the steps of Nicole Simpson’s Brentwood apartment. (See Causes célèbres for more on the Simpson case.) Near the conclusion of the trial, a perverse symmetry began to emerge. Sixty four percent of whites interviewed found the evidence against Simpson convincing and would have returned a guilty verdict had they served on the jury; fifty nine percent of African Americans, when presented with the same evidence, opted for an acquittal. Four years before, a Wall Street Journal/NBC News Poll in 1991 revealed a “chasm in attitudes” between whites and African Americans. Whites saw a country where relations between blacks and themselves had improved over the previous decade; blacks saw exactly the opposite. One of the most emotive issues dividing the two groups was federal government assistance. Many blacks welcomed the government’s efforts, especially affirmative action. But, whites were skeptical of such efforts and encouraged blacks to fend for themselves. Study after study had depicted the United States as what the writer Andrew Hacker called “two nations,” divided by race. The x Introduction xi segregation that had endured long after the end of slavery left an indelible imprint in the form of institutions, customs, beliefs, languages, cuisine, and so on. That was to be expected. Not so understandable was the difference in consciousness, of outlook, of mentality. It was as if blacks and whites were looking at the world through entirely different prisms. Those wishing to explain this difference by reference to natural, as opposed to social, phenomena would have found sustenance in the research of Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, published in 1994, under the title of The Bell Curve. The sensation caused by its publication is the second of the four pivotal events. (See Intelligence and race.) Reheating overcooked dishes rarely produces a satisfactory meal. Doing likewise with scientific debates sometimes has different results. The debate joined by Herrnstein and Murray was started in the 1960s by Arthur Jensen, who soared to international infamy after publishing the results of his research in a respectable scientific journal, the Harvard Educational Review. The title of the article was “How can we boost IQ and scholastic achievement?” Jensen’s project had been to unravel the riddle of nature versus nurture. Are we born with intelligence, or do we acquire it as we grow up? he asked, though in rather more erudite terms. Specifically, he wanted to test the intelligence of three groups of children: white, black, and Latino. Jensen found that blacks consistently scored 15 points below whites. Nothing shocking in this: indeed, it would have been a major surprise had African American children fared any better, given the history of slavery and the denial of civil rights they and their forbears would have endured; the impact of this and other factors on intellectual development is plain enough. Jensen, though, did not accept that social, cultural or environmental forces, the nurture side of the equation, were the cardinal causes of the persistently low scores of black children. He concluded that genes bore 80 percent of the responsibility for intelligence. Nature, in his experiments, won hands down. Even if, as Jensen stressed, the motives behind the research were all about the spirit of scientific inquiry, the conclusions could not have been designed better for the truth-seeking racist (if that is not an oxymoron). Caucasians are more intelligent than other groups that have been called races and the reason they are lies in the realm of biology. We can do nothing about it: blacks are naturally inferior. Nobel prize-winner William Shockley threw his scalpel into the arena when he proposed that blacks be sterilized to prevent them xii Introduction from passing on their inferior genes. Unlike Jensen, Shockley did not insist that his motives were pure. Few would have believed him anyway. The notorious article bearing Jensen’s findings drew fire from all quarters and, only years later, after several other studies had produced contrasting results, did the debate die down. Few noticed the embers glowing.