When, How, and Why: the Sociotechnical

When, How, and Why: the Sociotechnical

University of Amsterdam Department of Media Studies Master New Media and Digital Culture WHEN, HOW, AND WHY: THE SOCIO­TECHNICAL ARABIC LANGUAGE PRACTICES OF LEBANESE USERS ACROSS SOCIAL PLATFORMS MA THESIS 2016 24th of June 2016 Supervisor: dr. T. (Thomas) Poell Second Reader: mw. dr. S. (Stefania) Milan 1 Table of Contents Abstract 3 1. Introduction 4 2. Research Question 7 3. Theoretical Discussion 7 3.1. Linguistic History 7 3.2. Role of Platforms and Softwares 10 4. Methodology 15 5. Data and Discussion 21 5.1. Netvizz 21 5.2. Semi­structured interviews and survey 34 6. Challenges and Limitations 45 7. Conclusion 48 8. Bibliography 53 9. Appendix 56 9.1. Interview Transcriptions 56 9.2. Coding Manual 131 9.3. Links to Facebook Posts 132 2 Abstract This paper focuses on the possible ways social platforms like Facebook and Whatsapp shape the socio­technical language practices of Lebanese users. It studies the #YouStink movement Facebook page in order to understand these user language practices in a context of political contestation. Furthermore, this research uses Netvizz, the Facebook data scraper, to analyse the context of which Arabizi, the Arabic internet chat language, and input from 10 interviewees, and a survey conducted on 346 Lebanese users in order to study user online behaviour on two separate social platforms, Facebook and Whatsapp. The study aims to highlight the possible ways platforms may shape a Lebanese social platform user language choices through its technical architecture and purpose. Keywords: Arabizi, platform studies, online user behaviour, Lebanon, arabic, collective identity, ​ Facebook, Whatsapp, political contestation 3 1. Introduction Walking on Lebanon’s busy street of Hamra in Beirut, chaotic noises are in abundance: people swearing and beeping at each other in the midst of traffic, old men yelling at each other over a game of tawlé (backgammon), a group of women gossiping at the nearby hairdresser and ​ ​ university students hitting their keyboard, trying to submit their work before the deadline. The variety of sounds that one hears is very similar to the variety found online among Lebanese social media users; yet instead of sound, what is chaotic in this case is the communication amongst them. Lebanon officially has one language: Arabic, like most of the Middle East. The difference between Lebanon and other Arab countries is, however, the fact that the French and English languages have an equally important role in the country’s culture and identity. It is almost an element of pride to speak all three languages in the country, it comes with status and prestige; therefore it is only logical that a Lebanese person is capable of jumping from one language to another in conversation, or even mixing the languages together to formulate a Lebanese sentence, such as the typical example of “Hi, kifak, ca va?” (Hi, how are you, all is ​ good?); this has been the case for the past 70­80 years. However, with the sudden rise of ​ technological innovations, such as mobile phones and the Internet, in the last 20 years, another language was added to the mix: Arabizi. It is a mixture of the Arabic words arabi (aka Arabic) ​ and englizi (aka English) (Yaghan, 2008, 39). The key to understanding the uses of each character will be extensively discussed in chapter two, but for now, the basic concept of Arabizi is using Latin characters and numerals to express an Arabic word or sentence. An example of Arabizi is “Kifak ya 7abibi, shta2nellak, shou a5barak?” which more or less translates to “How ​ ​ are you my love, you’ve been missed, what’s going on these days.” According to Robert Michael Bianchi from the Virginia Commonwealth University in Qatar, the use of arabizi has increased due to the Internet (2012, 99). This is parallel to the notion of its use by Arab youths. The Internet is a space replete with young adults and teenagers, so it only makes sense that this style of writing is becoming more present on social media platforms. However, with the rise of this hybrid orthographic style, the Internet seems to be a space where 4 one cannot find a uniform, consistent manner of communicating in Arabic, which might add strain to an Arab’s identity. Arabs are already a complex people. They are composed of nations that are subject to similar cultures and traditions, yet each possesses its own unique identity, something that is of great importance and value. Lebanon’s irregular and unregulated form of speaking is greatly reflected online, especially with the introduction of Arabizi. As a Lebanese person, my newsfeeds on all of my social media platforms (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat, Whatsapp) have a gamut of posts written in different languages. A friend may post something in English, while another friend replies to it in Arabizi. The lack of consistency in communication online amongst Lebanese users represents a sort of cultural instability. However, although unstable, there is a definite understanding amongst one another. Lebanese people still understand the post shared whether it is written in any of the languages. It is Lebanon’s youth that especially understand each other. The generation of Lebanese Internet users has indirectly found a way of communicating, with the help of context. They have strategies to appropriate each language to a certain context. Yet, this leaves many questions unanswered, especially concerning it’s use and development on social media platforms, the role the platforms’ architectures play in shaping this use, and the possible reflection of Lebanese culture within these language practices. The Arabic language is one that is subject to many debates due to its diglossic nature. Diglossia is a linguistic term to define a language community that either has two languages varieties, with one being used for formal situations and one for quotidian situations (Bassiouney, 2010, 101). Over the past decades, there have been issues concerning the way in which the Arabic language is being taught and used. Arab conservatives and nationalists have been attempting to promote the use of Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), an Arabic that is usually used for formalities, such as political speeches and religious sermons (Bassiouney, 2010, 101), as a way of reviving the Holy Quranic language (Suleiman, 2011, 50). The reason behind these constant attempts at revival is the fact that vernacular or colloquial Arabic is gaining more and more popularity throughout Arab countries, especially concerning Arab youths (Palfreyman & El Khalil, 2003, 1), and results in unique identities among different Arab nations. For example, identifying as a Lebanese is different than 5 identifying as an Egyptian. The identification process is one that embodies the individual and takes control over his/her social actions. When one speaks Lebanese Arabic, there is a certain reputation that follows it, a certain identity; similar to one speaking Egyptian Arabic. Even within one kind of identity there are sub­identities. For example, a Lebanese person can belong to a society that speaks French and Arabic, which is a specific type of Lebanese person, sometimes associated with snobbery or prestige. While the Lebanese who belong to an English and Arabic speaking society are more likely to be associated with being open­minded and “cool,” or even closely associated to American culture. The lack of identity uniformity within the Arab population is represented within its language, and today is reflected online. This can be clearly seen on social media platforms like Facebook. Since it was first introduced to Facebook in 2009 (Chan, 2009), Arabic script can be used to write posts, comments etc. However, this created another schism: Arabic speakers are given the option to write in Arabizi, MSA in Arabic script or colloquial Arabic in Arabic script. And because most modern Arabs are bilingual (in either French or English), they can even choose to abstain from using any Arabic at all. This raises vital questions regarding an Arab user’s identity. One question could be that of the moment in which an Arabic­speaking user decides to use a specific code (whether Arabic or Arabizi) and what that this says about the user’s identity. Another question that is raised here is whether or not an Arab’s identity can be easily defined with all the languages and dialects that surround it. The question of how social media platforms and technologies have shaped the language should also be addressed as it has played a role in the way Arabic is communicated online. Furthermore, when do users decide to use a specific language and in what context? For what reason? Addressing these question, the thesis first critically reflects on the current research on the use of Arabizi. This research is almost exclusively situated in linguistics. What is missing is a socio­techno inquiry into the processes of mediation through which Arabizi takes shape. The thesis shows why such an inquiry is essential to understand the development and particular articulation of Arabizi. When studying the socio­technical processes of mediation, it quickly becomes clear that major commercial social platforms are increasingly central to the use of Arabizi. This thesis offers a contribution to new media studies. This intervention is first 6 developed in the next section by addressing the current literature, in linguistics and platform and software studies. It is further developed through research on the socio­technical practices of Arabizi. The thesis focuses on two platforms, Facebook and Whatsapp, and their use in the Lebanese context. The inquiry is developed through a case study on the social movement “#YouStink”, which concerns the current garbage crisis in Lebanon. It will be operationalized through a cross­platform analysis of Facebook and Whatsapp. For Facebook, data is scraped using the digital methods tool Netvizz.

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