CONSIDErations ON THE Scottish REFERENDUM AND A DiscoursE ON THE BRITISH CONUNDRUM: MILL, PRICE AND THE QUESTION OF NationalisM Huw Williams School of English, Communication & Philosophy Cardiff University Izvorni znanstveni rad Primljeno: rujan 2014. Abstract The recent referendum on Scottish independence was characterised by a fail­ ing on behalf of the Better Together campaign to articulate a positive vision and concep­ tion of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. In particular, any per­ suasive notion of Britishness was notable by its absence. This paper attempts to shed light on the question of nationalism, in the British context in particular, by turning to the history of political thought, and the philosophical reflections of two British liberals, Rich­ ard Price and John Stuart Mill. Their ideas are set out with reference to the civic/ethnic distinction and two main claims are presented. The first is that despite Price’s emphasis on a civic patriotism and Mill’s embracing of many elements ofethnic nationalism, both their accounts ultimately cohere around the centrality of a “national history”. Empirical doubts about the sustainability of the civic/ethnic divide are here reflected in philosophi­ cal discussions of nationalism. The second claim is that Price and Mill’s account draw at­ tention to the historical difficulty of constructing a persuasive British nationality whilst simultaneously suggesting the only obvious prospect for its succesful reconfiguration, namely the articulation of a genuinely British national history. Keywords Scottish Referendum, British Nationalism, Richard Price, J. S. Mill, civic, ethnic Introduction most interesting aspects of the preceding Theory Political debate was the problem faced by those In reflecting on the events of the re- campaigning for the Union, in try­­ing to cent Scottish referendum, one of the articulate a national, British identity to 7 inspire the electorate and foster a sense introduction. John Stuart Mill is perhaps of togetherness so central to their mes- most renowned for his famous tract, On sage. This question of British identity Liberty (Mill, 1989) in which he extols has become far more difficult in recent the virtues of free speech and other basic years since the establishment of de- freedoms. It is worth recalling two par- volved government in Northern Ireland, ticular, parhaps obvious points, with re- Scotland and Wales, as these nations – gard to oursubsequent discussion. First and latterly the English – have cultivated is that his liberalism is, of course, ground­­­ a greater sense of political difference ed upon a far reaching utilitarianism (Jones et al., 2012). Today data indicate that separates him from more thorough- that only roughly one in five British citi- going libertarians. His emphasis on zens identify themselves as British first, maxi­­mizing the general happiness leads whilst almost three in five identify them- him to extol the virtues of higher pleas- selves as English, Northern Irish, Scot- ures and some more perfectionist – tish, or Welsh first – and a not insignifi- some might venture authoritarian – ele- cant minority reject the British identity ments emerge in his thought.1 The sec- altogether (Easton, 2014). It is arguable ond point of note is that Mill was of that the inability of the major parties to Scottish heritage, son of Angus-born adjust their ideas about Britain has cost James Mill, and represented the Anglo- them dear. The Labour Party is perhaps Scottish tradition that had been at the most guilty of this in clinging to the vanguard of the new union since its in- remnants of a collective working class ception in 1707. This will be of no small identity, which they have tried to re- interest and significance in discussing frame for a post-industrial so­­ciety, un- his general ideas about nationality, and der the banner of “One Nation” (Smith in particular the constitution of British and Reeves, 2014). nationality. It is an open question whether the The second character represents an BetterTogether campaign would have been equally impressive mind, striking in the advised to attempt a recalibration of a breadth of his interests – yet heremains- united British identity highlighting shar­­­ed far more obscure in terms of the recog- culture and values, or instead di spense nition he receives today. In fact, it is un- with this narrative and attempt a more likely that the average student of political dispersed idea bringing four nations to- philosophy will know the name. I refer gether under a notion of thin civic Brit- to one Richard Price, a philosopher, the- ishness. For the most part it appeared ologian, political thinker and statistician that the leading forces were oblivious to who is perhaps most famous, or infa- this conundrum, or preferred to ignore mous, for his role in sparking the Revo- 2 it (Stanley, 2014). This is a shame in lutionary Controversy. For Richard Price more than one sense, and from the per- is the Dr Price that Edmund Burke (2014) spective of political theory and the his- responds to in his Reflections on the tory of political thought there is certain- French Revolution. The ire with which ly no shortage of discussion and debate Burke sets about his adversary is perhaps Anali HrvatskogAnali društva 2014 politološkog that can inform such questions. In this paper I will look to two of the 1 See, for example, Joseph Hamburger, 1999. most brilliant liberal thinkers that the 2 On the controversy, see for example, Butler, 8 Union has produced. The first needs no 1984. one reason for his lost legacy, Price be- the insurance industry. His two most fa- ing the representative of an increasingly mous interventions in the world of poli- influential group of dissenters and radi- tics came in relation to the Ame rican cals that Burke so loathed and wish ed to War of Independence and the French put in their place (Dreyer, 1978: 465). Revolution, both of which he supported Price was in fact a product of the wholeheartedly. His pamphlet Observa- puritan tradition, which had taken root tions (1991) provided moral justification in his native Wales following the Civil and unstinting support for the colonists War and with the personal support of and sold over 100,000 copies. He was a the Lord Governer Oliver Cromwell. close friend of Benjamin Frank­­lin and How­­ever, he soon became influenced by associate of other leading Americans, and the more radical, Arminian and Arian his works were celebrated on the other teachings of some of the early figures in side of the Atlantic, where he turned the burgeoning Welsh non-conformist down an invitation to assist in the finan- tradition – a radicalism that would come cial administration of the states, and re- to typify his later political thought ceived his honorary doctorate alongside (Thomas, 1977: 8). With the death of his George Washington from Yale in 1781. parents and dispersal of his nuclear fam- Arguably he remains better known out- 4 ily he followed his uncle to London side the UK. where he completed his training and Shortly before his death came his took a post as a family chaplain. Here he most famous act, as he preached a ser- embarked on his theological writings and mon (that would later be published) en- work on moral philosophy that would titled A Discourse on the Love of our bring him to fame, his Review (Price, Country. In this address he interpreted 2011) published in 1758 responding di- the French Revolution as a continuation rectly to the empiricism of Francis Hutch- of the same millenarian process started eson and David Hume. In the eyes of by the Glorious Revolution of 1688 – many his moral rationalism foreshad- taking mankind a step closer to a univer- owed Kant, and even the ethics of 20th sal, cosmopolitan order that would be century philosopher G. E. Moore (Gealy, divested of national chauvinism and 1991: 143). would spread enlightenment and free- Although disinclined towards public dom. Contained within this sermon is debate and fame, Price – by now the also an account of patriotism that can be considered a historical exemplar of what minister at the famous Newington Green modern day political theorists refer to as Chapel where he inspired the likes of civic nationalism, and it is this account Mary Wollstonecraft3 – found himself that will be assessed in the following unable to resist what he considered to be pages. Mill’s own account of nationality God’s calling and his personal duty to in the context of his thought on repre- intervene in public affairs (Tho­­mas, 1971). sentative government will be considered He soon wrote influential tracts on de- mography and finance, influencing poli- cy on the national debt and establishing 4 While D. O. Thomas is the one British author fundamental principles of calculation for to have written prolifically on Richard Price Theory Political in recent decades, academic interest seems to lie largely elsewhere. See for example, Carl 3 See Allardyce, 2008 for a history of this re- Cone, 2014; Jack Fruchtman, 1983; Martha markable institution and environs. K. Zebrowski, 1994; Rémy Duthille, 2012. 9 as a foil, in particular because of the ele- slippage that occurs between different ments that pertain more obviously to concepts in the following discussion and what is described today as ethnic nation- the fact that Price and Mill approach alism. these concepts from differing starting An overarching motivation for this points. When Price refers to the basis of work is precisely to engage in a historical the love of our country, I interpret this to approach towards the question of British mean that he is looking at the founda- nationalism that provides intriguing in- tions for our identification with the na- sights into the contemporary debate (or tion state, and what exactly it is, or should lack thereof).