
HONORS THESIS IN GLOBAL STUDIES FAILED CASE OF THE INTERNATIIONAL INVOLVEMENT: ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT (1915-1967) A Major Paper Submitted to the FacuLty of the Department of GLobal Studies Of the University of Minnesota By Jargalmaa Erdenemandakh In Partial FuLfiLLment of the Requirements For the Degree of BacheLor of Arts (Summa Cum Laude) Main reader: Professor Ajay Skaria Other readers: Professor Stuart McLean Professor WiLLiam Viestienz Dec 20, 2013 1 GLossary 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..……3-4 1. A. Macmohan Letter and Balfour DecLaration…………………………………………………………….……….5-6 1. B. Formation of a Palestinian nationalism............................................................................7-10 1. C. Peel Commission, Macdonald White Paper ……………………………………………...…………….…11-12 1. D. Zionist nationalism…………………………………………………………………………………………………....13-14 2. A. ResoLution 181 in reLation to IsraeLi and Palestinian decLarations of statehood……….…15-17 2. B. Why did the ResoLution 181 pass?………………….……………………………....…………………………18-20 2. C. Outcomes of the ResoLution 181 (1948-1967) …………………….........................................21-23 3. A. ResoLution 242. What did it say?………………………………...................................................24-26 3. B. ResoLution 242 and its interpretation by the IsraeLi and Palestinians............................27-29 3. C. Interpretations of ResoLution 242 by the U.S…………………………………………………..………….29-30 3. D.UN’s institutional chalLenges in the confLict mediation processes…………………………….…31-31 4. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………..………………………………………………32-34 4. BibLiography…………………………………….………………………………………………………………….…........35-40 2 1. Introduction The IsraeLi-Palestinian confLict has Long been the most hotly debated and discussed confLict of the 20th century. What fascinated me the most was the task to find the main cuLprit that created the confLict in a way that it was fairLy cumbersome to resoLve. After carefuL examination of the myriads of confLicting articLes and books, I came to realization that the most important period of the confLict was the beginning period, when international invoLvement was quite extensive. I feeL that the poLicy papers, official documents of League of Nations and UN have potential to entangLe the mystery of the confLict’s compLexity. This paper assesses three British poLicy papers regarding the IsraeLi-Palestinian confLict, Mandate of League of Nations and two most important UN resoLutions invoLved in the confLict. My paper wouLd be divided in three major parts: section I wiLL examine British poLicy papers such as Macmohan Letter, Balfour decLaration, Mcdonald White paper; section II wiLL be a detaiLed analysis of UN’s resoLution 181; Lastly, section III wiLL focus on UN’s resoLution 242. Section Palestine is a former British coLony, so the British poLicy papers reveal how the Palestine was treated as a coLony and how Jewish and Palestinian nationalistic aspirations, if any, evoLved through the mandatory power’s poLicies. Palestine feLL under British controL after the WorLd War I, and the coLonial system was reguLated by the League of Nations. Examining the Mandate issued to Palestine wouLd determine whether Palestine had the right of seLf-determination and potential to be a nation. The first UN resoLution I wouLd examine is the resoLution 181 that partitioned the Palestinian territories in two separate domains: Palestinian and IsraeLi. However, the pLan wasn’t successfuL, so another resoLution, resoLution 242, came into being to, again, draw the Line between the Palestinian and IsraeLi territories. What went wrong with these two 3 resoLutions, so that the borders have become the main issue of the confLict? This is the central question of my paper. Another core issue is if anything went wrong with both of the resoLutions, then what were those issues and whether or not those probLems stiLL persist untiL today hindering and proLonging the confLict. My pursuit is to find the core issues that stiLL keep the confLict active or prevent the negotiations. The Last core task is to find out what chalLenges the UN as a mediator faces and whether or not it can ever overcome those obstacLes. 4 1. A. Macmohan Letter and Balfour DecLaration The importance of the MiddLe Eastern oiL in the British Navy became the primary reason for Britain to dissoLve the Ottoman Empire. “Naval supremacy was central to EngLand’s conception of its worLd roLe and to the security of the British Empire1” as it was the primary fueL to rival German and American navies that directly threatened the British coLonial expansion. To reach the goal, Britain had to gain Arab support and in 1915 Sir Henry McMahon, promised to support “an independent Arab state2” in a Letter to Arab tribal Leader Sharif Faisal bin Hussein of Mecca, so that “Great Britain … wiLL assist to estabLish what may appear to be the most suitabLe forms of governments3 of those (Arab) territories”. Faisal supported the British in the war against the Ottomans in exchange for a unified Arab country centered in Damascus, Syria that wouLd incLude today’s Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and the Jordan.4. UnfortunateLy for the Syrian nationalists, part of Syria feLL under France’s ruLe after the battle of Maysalun in 1920 and the French did not want Arab independence. Faisal, the Arab Leader, had to fLee from Syria5 and Later became the King of Iraq with the heLp of Britain. Promises of a united Arab country were not fuLfiLLed: France and Britain signed the Treaty of Sevres in 1920 according to which France formed a new Syria. Britain announced that Transjordan became a British Mandate6, but the status of Palestine was Left out. According to the treaty, Britain assumed that Palestine was under direct British controL. 1 D.Yergin, p. 152. 2 N.MitcheLL, p.14. 3 Mcmohan Letter 4 N.MitcheLL, p.32. 5 N.MitcheLL, p.33. 6 Aruri, p.18. 5 Britain intended to Leave out the status of Palestine to “estabLish a homeLand for the Jews in the hoLy Land7”, because just a few years before Britain issued a poLicy paper, calLed the Balfour DecLaration, which supported such estabLishment. Some schoLars argue that the Balfour DecLaration was issued as a favor to the USA8 who stepped into the WorLd War I recently, but there is Little evidence that suggests the U.S favored the Jewish state at that point. Most LikeLy it was a product of a friendship between Zionist Leader Weizmann and British Lord Arthur Balfour9 when the former worked in British naval Laboratories. The Balfour DecLaration opened Palestine to Jewish immigrants, “so that by 1931 the Jews constituted 16%, and by 1947 one-third of Palestine's popuLation10”. The Balfour DecLaration was foLLowed by turbuLent cLashes between PaLestinian and Jewish nationalists from 1922-193611, the riots in 1929 and of 193612 being the most vioLent. 7 D. SöderbLom, p. 1. 8 Honeyman, p. 6. 9 Lord BaLfour was responsibLe in preparing the BaLfour DecLaration 10Honeyman, page 7. 11 N.MitcheLL, p.35. 12 N. MitcheLL.p. 39 6 1. B. Formation of a Palestinian nationalism Palestinian Arabs saw the central authority in 13 Syria as the step towards “Arab independence” that wouLd assist Palestine in resisting Zionist movement that started with the issuance of the Balfour DecLaration. The coLLapse of the “United Arab” state became a shifting point in Palestinian nationalism and faciLitated the formation of their identity as Palestinians. The Palestinian nationalism was formed preciseLy against the Balfour DecLaration and existed as a powerfuL movement in the first two decades of the mandate years14. Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, the reLigious Leader, Hajj Amin has emerged as an infLuential national Leader supported by the majority of Palestinians to Lead a movement against the Zionist expansion in 1928. Amin was mostly concentrating on fighting against the Zionist encroachment, rather than forming the distinct Palestinian identity, In such endeavor, Amin never directly attacked the British, thus the Mandate government under Herbert SamueL considered Hajj Amin to be a moderate.15 Amin’s pubLic poLicy was such that “the Palestinians shouLd not revoLt against the British ruLe, which was …ephemeral; instead, they shouLd concentrate on opposing the Zionists, 13 MusLih, p. 118. 14 MusLih, p.118 15NichoLas MitcheLL, p. 39. 7 who were the main threat to the Palestinian nationalists16”. Amin onLy attacked the Zionists, rather than estabLishing the national identity separate from Syrians and Transjordanians. or ,simpLy, Arabs. Amin demanded Palestinian right of independence from the Britain through sending deLegates and Letters, however he wasn’t persistent and assertive and didn’t attack the Britain for treating Palestine as a “Lesser” coLony. His cLaim was based on the “A” cLass Mandate issued by League of Nations and the above-mentioned Macmohan Letter, meaning the Palestine was entitled to be independence. After WoLd War I, former German and Ottoman territories had to recLassified in a three-tier system: the coLonies that have reached more independence were LabeLed as “A”cLass, Less independence-“B” cLass, and Least independence- “C” cLass mandate. According to ArticLe 2217, the League of Nations cLassified territories beLonging to the Ottoman Empire as “A” cLass Mandates 18 , because accordingLy they “have reached a stage of deveLopment where their existence as independent nations can be provisionalLy recognized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory19”. To the demand of Amin, the British Empire responded;
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