Issue 5 December 2019 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE ISSN 2406-1824 Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung Fostering democracy and upholding human rights, taking action to prevent the destruction of the global ecosystem, advancing equality between women and men, securing peace through conflict prevention in crisis zones, and defending the freedom of individuals against excessive state and economic power – these are the objectives that drive the ideas and actions of the Heinrich Böll Foundation. We maintain close ties to the German Green Party (Alliance 90/The Greens) and as a think tank for green visions and projects, we are part of an international network encompassing well over 100 partner projects in approximately 60 countries. The Heinrich Böll Foundation works independently and nurtures a spirit of intellectual openness. We maintain a worldwide network with currently 30 international offices. Our work in Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo concentrates on the democratisation process, political education, and environmental protection and sustainable development. We support and open public fora about topical and marginalised socio-political issues and we enable networking among local and international actors whose work aligns with Green values. Cover design Bogdan Maksimović Introduction Southeastern Europe 3 Kosovo: A Hostage Crisis By Natalija Miletić Twenty years on from the Kosovo War, the ing conducted by the very politicians who collective memory of both parties in the were on opposing sides during the war in conflict remains burdened by myths and 1998-99. The fact that the negotiations are in incontestable truths about what actually a state of stalemate, and have been for a took place. Nationalist and ethnocentric long time, should come as no surprise. narratives about the war in the former Yu- The hostage crisis known as Kosovo, in goslav autonomous province continue to which the populations of both Kosovo and dominate public discourse of both Kosovo Serbia are held as ideological hostages by and Serbia. their own political elites, has already been The process of reconciliation and building going on for twenty years. The lack of prog- longstanding peace is being undermined, ress in the official negotiations between primarily, by political elites in both coun- Belgrade and Pristina is an obstacle to tries, whose populist policies amplify the peacebuilding and the normal coexistence prejudices between Kosovar Albanians and of the two Kosovar communities. However, Serbs. The political establishment in both bad policies made by local and interna- countries –composed of, inter alia, war- tional stakeholders, mainly affect the lives mongers, former combatants, convicted of ordinary citizens, rather than the politi- and non-convicted war criminals– face cians and policy makers that are involved. pressure from the international community This issue of Perspectives on the 20th anni- to finally, and without hesitation, resolve versary of the Kosovo War and the NATO the question of the former province of the bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugo- ex-Yugoslav Republic of Serbia and normal- slavia, is dedicated to ordinary citizens. ize relations between Kosovo and Serbia. These are the people who, to this day, live The current problems concerning relations with the consequences of war, even if they between the two countries are partly the re- took no part in it; the youth raised to hate; sult of the normalization negotiations, anti-war activists who are considered ene- which have been going on for more than a mies of the state; minorities that are used decade under the patronage of the interna- as pawns in political maneuvering; victims tional community. Kosovo’s status negotia- of war crimes and victims of the NATO mil- tions, which have taken place in the after- itary campaign. In this issue of Perspec- math of a conflict that claimed the lives of tives we aim to highlight the fact that Koso- thousands of civilians, destroyed tens of vo is not just a toponym, but a country thousands of homes and displaced more burdened by its recent violent history, than a million people, led to thousands of where common people are struggling to women being raped, and which only ceased rebuild the broken societies that the con- following the intervention of NATO, are be- flict has left behind. Natalija Miletić, journalist 4 Southeastern Europe Introduction Introduction By Marijana Toma In the early 1980s, after the death of Social- choice of official language, control of the ist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) police, as well as veto powers over any fur- President Josip Broz Tito, demonstrations ther changes to the Constitution of Serbia. took place in Kosovo as Kosovo Albanians A wave of demonstrations were organized sought for Kosovo to be recognized as a Re- across Kosovo, involving students and public within SFRY. At the same time, in- teachers, intellectuals, and miners, which creasing numbers of prominent individu- led the Presidency of SFRY to impose ‘spe- als and institutions in Serbia began to cial measures’, with federal authorities request that Kosovo’s autonomy be re- assuming responsibility for security within duced, claiming that the Kosovo Albanian’s the province. In that period, thousands of protests were “organised counter-revolu- Kosovo Albanians employed in the public tionary activities”. Additionally, the emi- sector– doctors, teachers, university pro- gration of Serbs and Montenegrins from fessors, workers, judges, police and civil Kosovo intensified in this period, accom- servants– were dismissed from their posi- panied by increasingly vocal demands tions and replaced by non-Albanians. At from the Serbian public to halt this trend. the same time, police violence against During the mid-1980s, the division be- Kosovo Albanians increased. tween Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo was evident and deep: Albanians continued to A decade of non-violent request that Kosovo be granted the status resistance and the formation of a Republic, as well as for greater liberal- ization, and expressed concerns about of the Kosovo Liberation Kosovo’s underdevelopment within SFRY, Army while Serbs were concerned about discrim- In September 1991, after the war in Slovenia ination against them by the Kosovo Alba- already ended, and war in Croatia was on its nian-led provincial government. After the way, Kosovo Albanian political leaders gath- Central Committee of the League of Com- ered together within the Democratic League munists of Serbia elected Slobodan Mi- of Kosovo, led by Ibrahim Rugova, a promi- lošević as the new Chairman of the Presid- nent writer and intellectual, and embraced ium of the Central Committee, he managed a policy of non-violent civil resistance, es- to marginalize his political opponents in tablishing a system of unofficial, parallel the Party and established full control over institutions in the health care and education the Serbian branch of the League of Com- sectors. Kosovo Albanians held an unoffi- munists, allowing him to crucially influ- cial referendum in which they voted over- ence political events in Yugoslavia. whelmingly for independence from Serbia At the beginning of 1989, amendments to and Yugoslavia. Between 1992 and 1995, the the Constitution of Serbia were adopted by situation in Kosovo remained tense, but did the National Assembly. These constitu- not erupt in violence, despite the tional changes revoked Kosovo’s autono- strong-handed rule of the Serbian regime. my: most of the Provinces’ autonomous After almost a decade of non-violent resis- powers were annulled, including control tance by Kosovo Albanians, the Kosovo Marijana Toma, historian over economic and educational policy, Liberation Army (KLA), an armed resis- Introduction Southeastern Europe 5 tance organization, was formed by late After additional attempts by international 1997 and began attacking Serbian police mediators to persuade Slobodan Milošević and civilians in Kosovo. In late 1996 and to accept the agreement, US Ambassador 1997, the KLA claimed responsibility for Richard Holbrooke announced the failure armed attacks on members of the military of negotiations on March 23rd 1999, after in Kosovo, as well as against civilians. The which NATO Secretary General Solana di- beginning of armed conflict between the rected Wesley Clark to commence air Yugoslav Army and Serbian police with the strikes, which began on the March 24th and KLA is commonly connected to the attack continued until June 10th 1999. by Serbian police special forces on the fam- ily compound of Adem Jashari in the vil- Operation Allied Force - lage of Donje Prekaze in March 1998, in which Jashari, one of the founders of the NATO military intervention KLA, along with an estimated 50 others against the Federal Republic members of his family and associates, in- of Yugoslavia cluding several women and children, were Between March 24th and June 9th 1999, large killed. During the spring of 1998, the KLA areas of Serbia, including Kosovo, Bel- gradually increased the intensity of attacks grade and Novi Sad, were targeted by in Kosovo, including against police patrols. NATO bombing. While Montenegro was The Army of Yugoslavia and Serbian police not targeted often, Podgorica was bombed responded by shelling Albanian villages. In at the end of April 1999. According to the July 1998, the KLA began an offensive in Army of Yugoslavia, the Belgrade region the Municipality of Orahovac, in an at- was most intensively targeted by NATO’s tempt to take control of the area, which firepower. Although NATO and allied gov- resulted in the killing of many civilians, ernments and military officials stressed both Albanian and Serb, by both the Serbi- their intent to limit civilian casualties and an security forces and KLA. Following the other harm to the civilian population, from KLA’s operations in the Orahovac region, the outset of operation Allied Force, civil- the Serbian army and police coordinated ian casualties occurred. action against KLA forces, and by early Human Rights Watch, which conducted an September 1998 the KLA had lost much of investigation in NATO’s intervention, report- the territory it had previously held.