The Mara languages (JE40) Lotta Aunio, Holly Robinson, Tim Roth, Oliver Stegen, and John B. Walker 1. Introduction The JE40 languages are a cluster of Lacustrine Bantu languages spoken on the eastern shore and hinterland of Lake Victoria, both in Kenya and in Tanzania. The Ethnologue (Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2014) lists Idakho-Isukha-Tiriki (considered three distinct languages by Maho (2009)), Suba, and the extinct Singa for Kenya; Gusii, Logooli, and Kuria for both Kenya and Tanzania; and Ikizu-Sizaki (two languages in Maho (2009)), Ikoma-Nata-Isenye (three ethnicities speaking closely related language varieties), Kabwa, Ngoreme, Suba- Simbiti (not to be confused with Kenyan Suba, hence in the following just Simbiti), and Zanaki for Tanzania. Although Bastin (2003), in her chapter on Bantu J, showed Gusii, Suba, Kuria, Ngoreme, Zanaki, and Nata as JE40 languages (Isukha, Idakho, Tiriki, and Logooli were counted under JE30), the references cited by her only deal with Gusii and Kuria. In the meantime, research on Tanzanian JE40 (henceforth, the Mara languages) has intensified (e.g. Aunio 2010; 2013; Gambarage 2013; Gambarage Gray et al. 2017; 2013; Higgins 2012; Osa- Gómez del Campo 2013; Roth 2014; Rundell 2012; Sadlier-Brown 2013; Walker 2013). Unless otherwise indicated, all data comes from the authors’ own fieldwork or from fieldwork by SIL Tanzania. This chapter endeavours to complement Bastin’s chapter on Zone J by means of giving a descriptive and comparative overview of six only recently described Mara language varieties, viz. Ikizu, Ikoma, Kabwa, Ngoreme, Simbiti, and Zanaki. <Table 1: Basic information on the target JE40 languages> Five of the six areas where these languages are spoken share borders with each other, the exception being Ikoma – however, the closely related Nata variety borders on the Ngoreme area (Map 1). Due to Lake Victoria in the west and the Serengeti in the east, the Mara languages do not have many non-JE40 neighbours, these being confined to the Suguti languages Kwaya, Ruri, and Jita (Bantu JE25) in the west and southwest, Sukuma (Bantu F) in the extreme southwest, and the Nilotic languages Datooga and Luo in the south and in the north respectively. This description of the internal Mara language differences will provide a basis for further research into Mara language history and language contact. It will also facilitate a more precise placement of JE40 within Bantu J than Bastin (2003) was able to provide with her representation of JE40 through the Kenyan JE40 languages. <Map 1: Mara region languages and dialects> A high degree of linguistic diversity in the Mara languages is found at all levels, from phonology and morphology to syntax and information structure. This will be evidenced by the descriptions in the following sections. 2. Phonology The vowel systems of the Mara languages contain some unusual features for Bantu, and these are highlighted in section 2.1. This is followed by a brief section (2.2) on the consonants, which are fairly standard for Bantu. The phonology chapter concludes with a detailed discussion of the diverse array of tonal phenomena (2.3), both lexical and grammatical, across the six languages. 2.1 Vowels All six languages exhibit contrastive vowel length with length neutralisation through lengthening after labialisation and palatalisation and before pre-nasalisation. Long vowels are also found when vowels become adjacent across morpheme boundaries. Four of the languages have 7-vowel /i e ɛ a ɔ o u/ systems, the exceptions being Kabwa with a reduction to 5 vowels (as in the neighbouring Suguti languages and in Swahili) and Zanaki, which is between a 7-vowel [+ATR]-dominant /i ɪ ɛ a ɔ ʊ u/ system and a Nilotic-type 10-vowel system with complete [ATR] symmetry. Like Casali (2008), we assume a categorical difference between [+ATR]-dominant versus [-ATR]-dominant vowel harmony systems. The dominance of [+ATR] in Zanaki is evidenced by leftward [+ATR] spread from suffixes like agentive -i or causative -ja, as shown in (1). (1) Zanaki ɔkʊβwɛɛma ‘to hunt’ → omuβweemi ‘hunter’ ɔkwɔɔma ‘to dry (INTR)’ → okwoomjɜ ‘to dry (TR)’ ɔkʊɾɪŋaana ‘to be flat’ → okuɾiŋɜɜnjɜ ‘to flatten’ Some Zanaki speakers apparently extend the canonical 7-vowel [+ATR]-dominant system by reinterpreting the [ɜ, e, o] allophones of /a, ɛ, ɔ/ as phonemes in their own right, thus arriving at a two-by-five [ATR]-symmetric system, with /ɪ ɛ a ɔ ʊ/ as [-ATR] and /i e ɜ o u/ as [+ATR] vowels. In Table 2, some contrastive Zanaki words are given which cannot be explained by [+ATR] spread as shown above. <Table 2: Zanaki vowel system> A comparative overview of the vowel systems of all six languages is given in Table 3 (expanded from Higgins 2012: 269). Simbiti and Ngoreme have different vowel inventories in nouns and verbs: while there are seven vowel phonemes in nouns, there are only five vowels in basic verb roots. In both languages, however, the two additional phonemes are present in derived verb stems as a result of vowel harmony. While the 5V language Kabwa has only height harmony in verbal extensions, other languages have height harmony extending leftward through stems and prefixes, resulting in as many as three prefix vowel variants. Those languages with [ATR] harmony exhibit two different prefix variants. In all languages but Kabwa, there are examples of both leftward and rightward spreading harmony. <Table 3: Vowel system overview> Individual languages may be viewed as intermediate speech varieties of others, e.g. Ngoreme is like Ikoma in nominal prefixes but like Simbiti in verbal suffixes. The range of differences is staggering, e.g. vowel quality of Applicative is determined by the verb root in Ikoma, Ikizu, and Zanaki, but it determines the verb root vowel in Simbiti and Ngoreme (like in Kuria; Chacha & Odden 1998). <Table 4: Variation in Applicative vowel harmony> The height harmony which occurs in Ikizu and Simbiti is very pervasive within these languages, certainly more so than the more familiar Applicative height harmony found in many Bantu languages. To use Ikizu as an example, within stems and suffixes, leftward- spreading harmony involves a 1st degree vowel (i, u) to the right raising leftward vowels by one degree. That is, 3rd degree vowels (ɛ, ɔ) are raised to 2nd degree vowels (e, o), and 2nd degree vowels are raised to 1st degree vowels. The process applies iteratively unless interrupted by the low vowel (a), which is opaque. (2) Ikizu vowel raising in stems Vowel raising Unraised Infinitive Nominalised form a) 2nd degree to òkò-ɾém-à ‘to farm’ ùmù-ɾìm-ì ‘farmer’ 1st degree òkò-góɾ-à ‘to buy’ ɾì-gúɾ-í ‘price’ b) 3rd degree to ɔ̀kɔ̀-ɾɔ́ g-à ‘to bewitch’ òmò-ɾòg-ì ‘sorcerer’ cf. ɔ̀βɔ̀-ɾɔ̀gɔ̀ ‘witchcraft’ 2nd degree ɔ̀kɔ̀-gɛ́ ɛ́ nd-à ‘to travel’ òmò-gèènd-ì ‘traveler’ cf. ɔ̀ɾɔ̀-gɛ̀ɛ̀ndɔ̀ ‘journey’ c) 4th degree with no òkò-sáβ-à ‘to pray, beg’ òmò-sàβ-ì ‘beggar’ raising A different form of leftward-spreading harmony occurs across the prefix-stem boundary. Most Ikizu prefixes have underlying 2nd degree vowels (e.g. /omo-/), and these vowels can be either raised (umu-) or lowered (ɔmɔ-) depending on the first stem vowel. See (3), with examples from noun classes 1, 7, and 9. This leftward harmony is also iterative, unless interrupted by /a/. (3) Ikizu prefix harmony Stem vowel a Stem vowels ɛ, ɔ Stem vowels e, o Stem vowels i, u òmò-ɾámú ‘brother-in- ɔ̀mɔ́ -hɔ́ tʃá ‘servant’ òmò-kékóró ‘old woman’ ùmú-βísá ‘enemy’ law’ èké-ságí ‘cloth’ ɛ̀kɛ́ -kɔ́ βá ‘lip’ èkè-gòrò ‘mountain’ ìkì-hùɲò ‘stopper’ è-gàβò ‘inheritance’ ɛ̀-kɔ́ ɾɔ́ ‘heart’ èm-bézé ‘wild pig’ ìn-gúβú ‘antelope’ Finally, rightward spreading occurs from verb roots to suffixes if the suffix has an underlying 2nd degree vowel. See examples of Ikizu Applicative vowel harmony in Table 4 above. Simbiti height harmony has many similarities to Ikizu height harmony. For example, prefix vowels are realised at three heights, depending on the stem vowels: ɔ̀ mɔ̀ -βɔ́ hɛ̀ ‘prisoner’, òɾò- ɾémè ‘tongue’, and ùmù-kúúŋgù ‘old lady’. One interesting difference is in the treatment of the low vowel. Stem-initial a harmonises with the 2nd degree vowels in Ikizu (see examples directly above), but a harmonises with the 3rd degree vowels in Simbiti: ɔ̀mɔ̀-ɣááŋgɔ̀ ‘porridge stirrer’, ɔ̀ ɾɔ̀ -βáɣɔ̀ ‘fence’, ɔ̀ mɔ̀ -βásò ‘sunshine’. Vowel raising in stems is also similar in Simbiti (e.g. òmò-ɾémì ‘farmer’ from ɔ̀ kɔ̀ -ɾɛ́ m-à ‘to farm’), with the exception that there are only five underlying vowels in Simbiti verb stems, so there are no cases of 2nd degree vowels being raised to 1st degree vowels. A number of unusual phenomena are found in the vowel harmony system of Ikoma, as argued by Higgins (2012). Whereas [-ATR] is marked and triggers vowel harmony, the nominal prefixes preceding [-ATR] roots actually undergo a process of dissimilation. As illustrated in (4) with class 7 nouns, mid [+ATR] prefixes alternate to high-vowel prefixes before [-ATR] stems. (4) Ikoma prefix dissimilation [+ATR] stems: èkè-mìɾà ‘mucus’ [-ATR] stems: èkì-hɛ́ ɛ́ nɔ̀ ‘fever’ èkè-mèɾò ‘throat’ èɣì-kɔ́ ɔ́ mbɛ̀ ‘shoulder blade’ èɣè-sóβè ‘shell’ èɣì-sàɾé ‘twin’ èɣè-kúúndì ‘fist’ Ikoma also stands out against the other Mara languages in that root vowel raising caused by causative suffixes only pertains to /ɛ/ and not to both /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ as in the other languages. By contrast, the [-ATR] allomorph of the subjunctive suffix is triggered only by the back mid- vowel /ɔ/. At least two of these vowel systems appear to be in a current state of transition (for example, Zanaki’s ambivalence between a 7-vowel and a 10-vowel system).