Journal of Black Studies http://jbs.sagepub.com A "Man's Woman"?: Contradictory Messages in the Songs of Female Rappers, 1992-2000 Matthew Oware Journal of Black Studies 2009; 39; 786 originally published online May 29, 2007; DOI: 10.1177/0021934707302454 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jbs.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/39/5/786 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for Journal of Black Studies can be found at: Email Alerts: http://jbs.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://jbs.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations http://jbs.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/39/5/786 Downloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com at RHODE ISLAND COLLEGE on June 5, 2009 Journal of Black Studies Volume 39 Number 5 May 2009 786-802 © 2009 SAGE Publications A “Man’s Woman”? 10.1177/0021934707302454 http://jbs.sagepub.com hosted at Contradictory Messages in the http://online.sagepub.com Songs of Female Rappers, 1992-2000 Matthew Oware DePauw University Employing content analysis of 44 songs taken from the Billboard charts between 1992 and 2000, the authors find that all female rap artists in the sample included the cornerstones of rap in their songs: braggadocio, consumption of alcohol and drugs, and “dissin” of female and male rap competitors. More important, the majority of the artists had themes of female agency and empowerment present in their music. However, the artists also had songs that were antithetical to Patricia Hill Collins’ Black feminism. Indeed, a majority of the songs examined had women who self-objectified, self-exploited, and used derogatory lyrics when referring to other women. The author finds that these contradictory messages, sometimes by the same artists, nullify the empowering messages that are conveyed and only reproduce and uphold male hegemonic notions of femininity. Keywords: Black feminism; gender; hip-hop; race; rap Our Erotic knowledge empowers us, becomes a lens through which we scrutinize all aspects of our existence, forcing us to evaluate those aspects honestly in terms of their meaning within our lives. Audre Lorde (1984b, p. 57) Negotiating multiple social boundaries and identities, black women rappers are in dialogue with one another, with male rappers, with other popular musicians...with black women fans and hip hop fans in general. Tricia Rose (1994, p. 148) Author’s Note: I thank Tiyi Morris, Robyn Ryle, Stephanie Shonekan, and Deanna Oware. Please address correspondence to Dr. Matthew Oware, Sociology and Anthropology Department, DePauw University, 306 Asbury Hall, Greencastle, IN 46135; e-mail: [email protected]. 786 Downloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com at RHODE ISLAND COLLEGE on June 5, 2009 Oware / Contradictory Messages in Music 787 Rap music provides an outlet for individuals who are marginalized, oppressed, and silenced in American society. Various scholars have dis- cussed how rap music and hip-hop culture provided a voice for people who lived in the new postindustrial, service-sector economy where few well-paying jobs were available to persons without postsecondary educa- tions (Kitwani, 2002; Rose, 1994). As a consequence of these changes in the economy, some people in urban areas turned to rapping as a positive outlet of expression. Much of the research on hip-hop music detailed how Black and Hispanic male artists rapped about everything from poverty, police brutality, racism, materialism, to male/female heterosexual rela- tionships. However, rap music is not nor has it ever been strictly the domain of men (Emerson, 2002; Keyes, 2004; Rose, 1994). Women have been a part of hip-hop culture since its inception. Early female pioneers discussed issues similar to men—marginalization, oppres- sion, and urban decay. They also rapped about heterosexual courtship from the perspective of women, domestic violence, and sexism, among other issues. Researchers and scholars found that these female rappers tended to present Black women as independent and autonomous in their songs (Guevara, 1996; Phillips, Reddick-Morgan, & Stephens, 2005; Rose, 1994). However, there is no research that examines the lyrics and messages of female rappers in the 1990s, what is referred to here as the second generation of female rappers.1 Employing content analysis, the current study systematically analyzes 44 songs by popular female rappers listed on the Billboard charts from 1992 to 2000 and finds, similar to men, the lyrics of these female artists include the trademarks of rap—exaggerated braggadocio, consumption of drugs and alcohol, and “dissin” of fellow female and male rap artists. Beyond these aspects, and similar to their female predecessors, there are several songs that are ostensibly empowering to women and that illustrate female agency. However, there exist contradictions in the music; for example, there are high numbers of female self-objection, self-exploitation, and derogatory and demeaning lyrics about women in general. In some cases the same artists who empower women through their music also have lyrics that objectify and demean them. In the final assessment, these contradictory lyrics nullify the positive messages that are conveyed by female rap artists, consequently reproducing and upholding hegemonic, sexist notions of femininity, and serving to undermine and disempower women. Downloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com at RHODE ISLAND COLLEGE on June 5, 2009 788 Journal of Black Studies Literature Review In her book, Black Feminist Thought, Collins (1990) contended that Black women’s experiences and lives need to be moved from the periphery to the center of analysis and discussion. She wrote that current social phenomena are understood or examined from a European, White male context. This par- ticular theoretical approach tends to make universalistic, overarching claims that are at the least incompatible, and the most, antithetical to the lived real- ity of Black women (and women in general), while producing controlling images of this group. Furthermore, within the Eurocentric framework, Black women have been constructed as “other” and viewed as nonhuman, possess- ing attributes that are either animalistic, commodified, or objectified. In addi- tion this model depicts Black female eroticism as overly sexualized, devoid of its physical, emotional, and psychic components (Lorde, 1984b, pp. 55-57). These actions necessitate a theoretical framework that interprets Black women’s lives from their perspective–Black feminism. Although challenging racist forms of White supremacy, some Black males subscribe to sexist notions within hegemonic discourses that are integral to the subordination of women (hooks, 1994; Skeggs, 1993). No- where is this more apparent than in the songs of many male hip-hop artists. Scholars and activists argue that male hip-hop artists discuss and present women as caricatures, sexual objects, and less than human (Perry, 2003; Pinn, 1996; Shelton, 1997). Joan Morgan (2000) lamented and criticized the sexist lyrics of Black males and the continued objectification of Black women in rap videos in her book When Chickenheads Come Home to Roost. Scantily clad, oftentimes long-haired and light-skinned Blacks and Latinas are draped and paraded around males in hip-hop videos. Lyrics such as these by Too Short, “Bitches on my mind/Bust a left nut, right nut in her jaw/Open my eyes, guess what I saw” or 2 Live Crew’s song encour- aging women to “Pop that Pussy” send the message that women are sexual objects who male rappers can denigrate and dominate at their whim. Pinn (1996) wrote that male gangsta rappers engage in this behavior because “women are suspect because they emasculate black men, negating their manhood and reducing the respect received from others” (p. 28). Other scholars argue that these types of songs illustrate a fear of female sexuality, thus women must be contained and controlled (Collins, 1990; Kelley, 1996; Rose, 1994; Skeggs, 1993). Extending the theory of Black feminism to rap, Black female artists provide countervailing voices against male sexism and misogyny. Downloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com at RHODE ISLAND COLLEGE on June 5, 2009 Oware / Contradictory Messages in Music 789 In her seminal book, Black Noise, Tricia Rose (1994) devoted a chapter to female hip-hop artists. She contended that in the late 1980s and early 1990s rappers such as Queen Latifah, Salt-N-Pepa, and MC Lyte, although not explicitly calling themselves or their music feminist, articulated feminist principles of female empowerment, agency, and independence. These artists refute and challenge representations of women as merely sexual objects. Moreover, she contended that these artists are in dialogue with other female and male artists, and with hip-hop fans in general. For example, Queen Latifah responds to males who use the slur bitch in refer- ence to women in her song “U.N.I.T.Y.”: “But don’t be calling me out my name/I bring wrath to those who disrespect me like a dame.” In her song, “Paper Thin,” MC Lyte sets the parameters of intimacy for her mate: “So now I take precaution when choosing my mate/I do not touch until the third or fourth date/Then maybe we’ll kiss on the fifth or sixth.” These artists carve out a space where a Black female subjectivity is at the center of dis- cussion. Clearly, the aforementioned artists’ messages are emancipating and liberating for women (Rose, 1994). Skeggs (1993), borrowing from bell hooks, argued that these artists “talk back, talk Black to the colonialist civilizing system that attempts to contain the expression of women’s sexuality” (p. 3). They defiantly speak to vari- ous forms of institutional and hegemonic structures operating to constrain and limit Black female voices, offering counterhegemonic perspectives. Haugen (2003) argued that female rappers, particularly gangsta rappers, have created and imposed their own definitions of womanhood through their use of profanity, voice intonations, and sexuality. More profoundly, Phillips et al.