07-Min-4720.qxd 5/20/2005 9:25 PM Page 148 7 Japanese Americans DAISUKE AKIBA lthough Asian Americans may share similar ethnic groups in that a large majority of them are Ageographic origins and social experiences third- or higher-generation Americans with conspic- in the United States, closer analyses of the socio- uous evidence of assimilation.Yet,not being white, historical experiences of each group—and its Japanese Americans continue to face discrimina- members—indicate the multiplicity of the umbrella tion in American society and are not allowed to category,Asian American.As noted thus far in this fully merge into the mainstream American society. book, though the history of immigration from Among the oldest immigrant groups, Japanese Asian nations dates back to the early nineteenth American communities have weathered phases of century, most immigrants from Asian countries challenges and transformations; many of such began arriving to the United States in masses after experiences are reflective of the economic and 1965, when restrictive immigration policies were sociopolitical trends in both Japan and the United abolished.As such,Asian Americans as a whole are States.In this chapter,the past and present trajecto- frequently perceived as relatively new immigrants, ries Japanese Americans have embarked upon will with disproportionately large numbers of foreign- be discussed, and informed speculations will be born members in their communities. However, made about their future directions. Japanese Americans have a history of immigration to the United States significantly different from TRENDS OF EARLY other Asian groups. JAPANESE IMMIGRATION Three major waves of immigration from Japan to the United States took place between the 1880s The early history of Japanese immigration to and the 1960s, and the prevalence of Japanese the United States includes three distinct waves, immigration to the United States has diminished each with unique historical significance in under- since then. Reflecting this history, Japanese standing American, Japanese, and Japanese Americans are more similar to Jewish, Italian, and American sociopolitical circumstances. Reflective other white ethnic groups than to other Asian of such situational fluctuations, each wave of 148 07-Min-4720.qxd 5/20/2005 9:25 PM Page 149 Japanese Americans 149 immigrants was dominated by a particular group. U.S. representative, Robert Irwin, successfully The general historical trends in Japanese immi- negotiated with the Japanese Foreign Minister, gration to the United States are discussed in the Kaoru Inoue,to send approximately 2,000 Japanese following sections. workers to Hawaiian sugar plantations under a government-sponsored labor migration program. This agreement stipulated that representatives of The First Wave: Male Laborers (1885–1908) the Hawaiian government would conduct a series As the Edo Shougunate ended Japan’s self- of recruitment sessions across Japan, soliciting imposed national isolation in 1866, only dribbles Japanese workers to sign 3-year contracts for of Japanese citizens moved or even traveled employment on those sugar plantations (Maruyama, abroad, and then usually as servants accompany- 1985). Under this agreement, approximately ing Westerners with business ties to Japan.For 30,000 workers went to Hawaii; in less than a instance,an American merchant,Eugene van decade, in 1894, however, the Meiji government Reed—who conducted business near Tokyo— terminated its agreement,ending the government- sent about 140 Japanese farmers to work on sugar sponsored labor migration programs to Hawaii. plantations in Hawaii in 1868 (Tamura, 1999). Yet, laborers continued to seek employment Also, John H. Schnell, a Dutch merchant, estab- opportunities in the United States outside of such lished the famous Wakamatsu Colony in 1869, programs (Fujioka, 1927; Sims, 2001). when he brought an initial group of 20 or so Women laborers were actively recruited to Japanese workers to a tea and silk farm in move to Hawaii in the 1885 Irwin-Inoue negotia- California. Incidentally, these locations, Hawaii tion, for wages one-third lower than their male and California, later became major hubs of counterparts; however, such effort was not evident Japanese American communities. While these in migration to the mainland. This difference destinations represented a great deal of geo- can be attributed to the policies of the local graphic and cultural disparities,the initial clusters governments: while the Hawaiian government of Japanese migrants to these two locations shared encouraged familywide migration, the California some commonalities. For instance, they consisted government did not welcome Japanese families, as primarily of male workers seeking labor oppor- they did not wish the Japanese population to grow tunities overseas with the intention of returning (see chapter 2 for further information). Many of home after achieving financial prosperity.In addi- the Japanese Americans in Hawaii, thus, were tion,these laborers typically faced harsh living and families, usually with wives supplementing their working conditions once they were brought over- family income by working not only on plantations, seas, and the financial gains were frequently far but also in service and manufacturing industries. smaller than they had been promised (van Sant & In fact, it is documented that Issei women, or Daniels, 2000). foreign-born Japanese women, made up the Soon came more structured clusters of migra- majority of the Hawaiian female labor force in the tion to the United States. This emergence of mass 1890s, as they typically entered the workforce migration to the United States was fueled by the alongside their husbands (Saiki, 1985). severe economic conditions across Japan in the By contrast, an overwhelming majority of the early 1880s, which forced the Meiji government early Japanese migrants to the mainland were sin- to relax the restrictions placed on laborers going gle males or men who had left their wives behind overseas. At the same time, the Hawaiian sugar in Japan. Ichioka (1988) states that these men plantations were in a dire need of workers, as the moved from Japan to the mainland typically as Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 had abruptly students or laborers—oftentimes both.While full- stopped the flow of laborers from China.In 1885,a time Japanese students were not necessarily 07-Min-4720.qxd 5/20/2005 9:25 PM Page 150 150 ASIAN AMERICANS concentrated in particular geographic areas, the democratic society. Many of them worked as laborers and student laborers were heavily concen- domestic servants, while others were employed as trated in the western states, such as California, menial laborers in various industries, including Washington, and Oregon (Tamura, 1984). Among farming and fishing. San Francisco and other the first to seek migration to the U.S. mainland western regions, such as Los Angeles and Seattle, from Japan in the Meiji era were male students, were popular destinations for these students due who represented three distinct groups. One con- to their relative proximity to Japan (Stearns,1974). sisted of a small number of elite students with These Japanese student laborers,like their non- full scholarships to attend prestigious American student laborer counterparts in San Francisco, did universities, frequently on the East Coast (e.g., not initially intend to permanently reside in the Massachusetts and Rhode Island), where these United States, and many student laborers in fact men were prepared for prominent positions in the returned to Japan.Others,however,remained in Japanese government and other agencies.Another the United States for much longer periods, realiz- group represented a similarly small number of ing that their educational and financial dreams young men from wealthy families, who privately might be difficult to accomplish in a short period. funded their education to attend American univer- Thus, the contributions made by these student sities, again typically on the East Coast. Most of laborers toward the growth of Japanese American these students, too, returned to Japan upon com- communities—as well as the American economy— pletion of their education, and in fact many were notable. became influential figures in Japan. The third group of students differed dramati- The Second Wave: Picture Brides (1908–1924) cally from the preceding two in the circumstances of their arrival, and they greatly contributed to In order to better understand the experiences of the subsequent establishment of the Japanese Japanese American laborers, it is important to note American communities in the United States. This that the anti-Asian sentiment in California had large group of students included ambitious young already been heightened when they began to arrive men who wished to study in the United States but there in the 1880s. The Chinese had arrived on the were unable to secure sufficient funds for their West Coast in the mid-1800s during the Gold Rush schooling and travel.These aspiring students tried (Norton, 1924). They rapidly expanded their labor to realize their dreams by seeking employment in presence there,primarily because they were willing the United States, hoping to attend school part- to work diligently in harsh working conditions for time. Despite their lack of financial and social lower wages than were their white American coun- capital, these student laborers represented a terparts. White laborers and white trade organiza- prominent force in the history of early