Fondation Jardin Majorelle LES CAHIERS DU MUSÉE BERBÈRE CAHIER DU MUSÉE BERBÈRE III 2017 English version EDITORIAL COMMITTEE Editor: Björn Dahlström English translations: Helen Ranger & José Abeté BERBER MUSEUM Scientific Steering Committee Pierre Bergé Chairman of the Fondation Jardin Majorelle Madison Cox Deputy chairman of the Fondation Jardin Majorelle Björn Dahlström Curator of the Musée Berbère, Jardin Majorelle El Mehdi Iâzzi Professor, Ibn Zohr University, Agadir Driss Khrouz Former Director of the Library of the Kingdom of Morocco, Rabat Salima Naji Architect and Anthropologist, Rabat Ahmed Skounti Researcher and teacher, INSAP, Rabat and professor, Cadi Ayyad University, Marrakech CREDITS Figs I, II, III : Collection Musée Berbère, Fondation Jardin Majorelle, Marrakech Text and map : © Fondation Jardin Majorelle CONTENTS Foreword 5 Björn Dahlström Moroccan Immigration to France 6 Lahoussine Selouani Bibliography Overview Of Moroccan Jewish Migration: Internal Migration & Departures from Internal Migrations to Departures from Morocco 25 Yann Scioldo-Zürcher Bibliography Tinghir Jerusalem: Echoes from the Mellah 41 Kamal Hachkar THE KINGDOM OF MOROCCO Tanger N Tétouan RIF Nador Ouezzane Oujda O E Taounate Meknès Rabat Fès S Casablanca Aîn Leuh Khénifra ATLAS Beni Mellal MOYEN Marrakech TAFILALT Essaouira Rissani ATLAS TODRHA Telouet Oukaimeden DADÉS Taraudant HAUT Ouarzazate Agadir SIROUA Taznakht SOUSS DRAA Zagora Massa Foum Zguid Tamgrout Tahala Tagmout Tiznit ANTI-ATLASTata BANI Tafraout Akka A R A A H É S R P Guelmim Tan-Tan Laâyoune SAHARA LÉGENDE RIF montagne TODRHA région géographique et historique Dakhla Zagora ville, localité, lieu dit. 0 50 100 150 200 km Laguira 5 FOREWORD he Imazighen (plural of Amazigh) or Moroccan Berbers have been immigrating to Europe for a long Ttime, particularly to France. Organised on a large scale from 1945, this immigration rose considerably from the 1960s. The Berber language has suffered the full force of the effects of this migration. Devalued at home and not recognised in the host country, it degenerated and weakened. While there were excellent poets and storytellers among the first emigrants who made the most of the language of their birth, the language has since become enormously impoverished in subsequent generations, for lack of legal measures and institutional controls. Another kind of Berber migration taking place at the same time weakened rural communities: the emigration of Berber Jewish communities who left the small towns and villages for Israel, Europe and North America from 1950-60. Their cultural heritage is one that has probably suffered the most remarkable disintegration and is the most harmful for Morocco’s present and future. These questions of Moroccan Berber migrations played a central part in the 2014 colloquium organised in partnership with the Arab World Institute in Paris, and formed the third section of meetings organised by Jardin Majorelle’s Musée Berbère in Marrakech. I would like to thank participants of the colloquium here, as well as those who have contributed to this work: Frédéric Abecassis, senior lecturer at the École Nationale Supérieure in Lyon, Pierre Bergé, chairman of the Fondation Jardin Majorelle, Kamal Hachkar, professor of history and filmmaker, Jack Lang, president of the institut du monde arabe, Claude Lefébure, ethnologist at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Lahoussine Selouani, researcher, Yann Scioldo-Zürcher, historian and researcher at the CNRS and the CRFJ, and Ahmed Siraj, representative of the Council of the Moroccan Community Abroad. Björn Dahlström Curator of the Musée Berbère, Jardin Majorelle 6 MOROCCAN IMMIGRATION TO FRANCE LAHOUSSINE SELOUANI I - REVIEW OF FOREIGN MIGRATORY FLOW TO FRANCE P. 8 II - THE ROLE OF MOROCCAN IMMIGRATION IN THE LARGE MIGRATORY FLOWS TO FRANCE P. 11 III - MOROCCAN POPULATION SHOWS INCREASE IN YOUNG PEOPLE AND WOMEN FOLLOWING FAMILY REUNIFICATION P. 17 CONCLUSION P. 23 BIBLIOGRAPHY P. 24 7 MOROCCAN IMMIGRATION TO FRANCE LAHOUSSINE SELOUANI his paper concerns the importance of migration flows between Morocco and TFrance and undertakes to illustrate that Moroccan immigration to France is specific and localised, consisting of a migrant Moroccan labour force in the mining region of Nord-Pas-de-Calais (RNPC)1. This is an area traditionally known for the rotation of migratory flows of diverse nationalities, particularly immigrants who are, for the most part, originally from the south of Morocco. The majority are ethnic Berbers who represent the last great wave of non-European immigrants, which, paradoxically, the coal mines of the NPC region welcomed while the politics of decline in the region’s coal industry was underway. From the start, this labour force benefited from the comparative advantage of flexibility and rotation (fixed contracts of 18 months). However, with the length of stay extending through renewable contracts, the Moroccan labour force had a tendency to stay put, thereafter driven by the demand for the well-known ‘miner status’ which their French colleagues were entitled to. Once acquired – notably in 1980 after a long battle – this led to the arrival in the region of huge numbers of women and children, mostly Berber-speaking. My current argument opts for a simple and coherent structure, concentrating on three complementary approaches: • A global review of the large flows of foreign immigration to France which we are not going to enlarge upon; • The evolution of Moroccan immigration to France, the central basis of the colloquium; • Migration of a family nature, illustrated specially by the arrival of families, notably the wives and children of the Moroccan miners in the NPC mining region. 1 Cf. Lahoussine SELOUANI: Phénomènes migratoires et insertion scolaire dans le bassin minier du Nord-Pas-de Calais : le cas de l’immigration marocaine, doctoral thesis, University of Lille 3, 1990, France. 8 MOROCCAN IMMIGRATION TO FRANCE: LAHOUSSINE SELOUANI I - REVIEW OF FOREIGN MIGRATORY FLOWS TO FRANCE Historical and demographical studies in this domain show that foreign immigration to France has a long history. It was already evident in the General Census of 1851, when foreigners were counted for the first time. There were 381 000 foreigners, slightly more than 1% of the total population (36 783 000). In order to differentiate between the large migratory flows found in France, it is necessary to wait until the 20th century when we find that foreign immigration comes firstly from bordering and nearby European countries; secondly from countries further and further away, on the one hand for reasons of industrial development that relied more and more on the labour force, and on the other hand, a lowering of national demographic growth. But, while these flows developed and diversified, they were also managed and controlled according to the economic and political circumstances of the times. SUCCINCT GLOBAL REVIEW Until the beginning of the First World War (WWI), foreign immigration was composed mostly of a workforce from bordering European nations, namely Belgians, Italians, Spaniards, Germans and Swiss, who represented more than 80% of migration. It was also limited to the level of the countries they came from and often happened without any control and beyond all restrictive regulation, at least until WWI. This obliged the public authorities, via the Ministry of War – because of the exceptional circumstances of the war – to intervene and to organise recruitment of the labour force, essentially for the needs of national defence, armament factories, and the coal and steel industries. Avec les deux guerres et leurs processus de reconstruction économique et de redressement démographique, se déclencha un processus d’organisation de l’immigration étrangère en France, de plus en plus diversifiée et aux origines géographiques de plus en plus lointaines. With two wars and the necessity of economic reconstruction and demographic recovery, a process of organised foreign immigration to France was triggered, becoming more and more diversified and from geographic regions further and further away. Faced with the difficulty of finding the necessary labour force in a Europe devastated by the two wars, the French administration turned to its colonies. Thus Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Indochina became, beginning in 1915, providers of both soldiers and workers. According to G. Mauco (Les Etrangers en France, A. Colin, 1932), the Ministry of Armament recruited more than 220 000 foreign workers between 1915 and 1918, including 132 000 North Africans, of which 78 000 were Algerian, 35 500 Moroccan and 18 000 Tunisian. This foreign immigration that had hardly begun in 1915 became one of the great migratory phenomena of the French economy after the war, as the results of inter-war censuses show: 9 REVIEW OF FOREIGN MIGRATORY FLOWS TO FRANCE YEAR TOTAL POPULATION FOREIGN WORKFORCE PROPORTION IN % RP 1921 38.797.000 1.532.000 3.95 RP 1926 40.228.000 2.409.000 5.99 RP 1931 41.228.000 2.715.000 6.58 RP 1936 41.183.000 2.198.000 5.34 Source : INSEE, population census. With the effects of the economic crisis of the 1930s, as well as the flow from Africa, and particularly North Africa, the foreign population provided a large workforce during the first part of this period (2 409 000, or 6.6% of the total population in 1931). Foreign immigration started to become one of the concerns of political debate, notably leading to returns and repatriation of foreigners (Law of 10 August 1932 establishing quotas per