Aspects of the Phonology and Verb Morphology of three Yemeni Dialects by Janet Constance Elizabeth Watson submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The School of Oriental and African Studies University of London ProQuest Number: 10672789 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10672789 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract This thesis challenges a number of widely held assumptions concerning dialectology. Generative approaches to dialectology have assumed that related dialects share identical underlying representations and that dialect variation results from different rules or different ordering of the same rules. In the introduction, it is demonstrated that this position is untenable. Firstly, it is claimed that there can be no such notion as an objective dialect and that the term 'dialect' is most sensibly used to describe what native speakers perceive to be their language variety; and secondly, it is argued that different dialects may have independent underlying representations. In this light, the task of the dialectologist is seen to be examination of the different levels of the grammar in which dialect variation may and does take place. In terms of this overall perspective, the thesis adopts a model of underspecification firs t proposed by Pulleyblank (1986) and Archangeli (1984). While certain aspects of the phonology are viewed as language universal, this model does permit and exploit language specific variation, and thereby proves particularly apt for an approach to dialectology which rejects positing a single underlying representation for cognate forms in related dialects. These general principles are applied to a study of three mutually intelligible dialects spoken in the western mountain range of North Yemen: Hubaifi, Gabiini and Kusmi. Aspects of phonology and verb morphology are investigated and it is seen how dialect variation is manifested in different components of the grammar. Chapter one establishes the set of syllable types and examines syllabification processes. Chapter two determines the identity of vocalic features and the vocalic matrix: to this end, the minimal vowel is established for the dialects. In chapter three, consonantal features are considered and the identity of the minimal consonant is determined. Chapter four looks at the sound trilite ra l verb in terms of voice and inflection. Chapter five considers the possibility of two minimal segments within a single prosodic system and establishes the identity of the minimal consonant at the lexical level. Chapters six, seven and eight investigate dialect variation in the lexical component by considering: feminine verbal and nominal inflections; non-sound trilite ra l verbs; and [+R] spread (the spread of lip rounding) as it affects vowels of the perfective verbal stem. In the Appendix, note is made of utterance-final phenomena. Table of Contents Page No. Abstract 2 Table of Contents 3 Acknow 1 edgements 15 Sketch map 16 0. Introduction 17 0.1. Field Methodology 17 0.1.1. Area of interest: *k-dialects' 17 0.1.1.1. The 'k-perfect' as one of a number of 'Himyaritic traces* 19 0.1.1.2. Documented evidence of the 'k-perf ect* 22 0.1.1.3. The location of 'k-dialect' speakers 23 0.1.2. Dialects investigated in this thesis and the methodology 25 0.1.2.1. Gabiin 26 0.1.2.2. Kusma 26 0.1.2.3. Hubaij 27 0.1.3. Cross-checking of material 28 0.2. Dialectology 29 0.2.1. What is a dialect? 30 0.2.1.1. The ‘subjective element* in dialectology 30 0.2.1.2. Intra-variety variation 33 0.2.1.3. Replacement of the term 'dialect*? 34 0.2.2. Definitions of 'dialect* amongst investigators today 35 0.2.3. A definition of 'dialect* 39 0.2.4. The Abruptness Principle* 40 0.3. Dialectology: the state of the art 41 0.3.1. Dialect geography 41 0.3.2. Structural dialectology 42 0.3.2.1. Lexical correspondences 43 3 0.3.3. Generative dialectology 44 0.3.3.1. A common underlying representation 45 0.4. The present model 49 0.4.1 Theoretical background 50 0.4.1 .1. Aut-osegmental phonology 50 041 1 ? Association in autosegmental phonology 55 0.4.1 .2. Nonconcatenative morphology 60 0.4.1 .2.1. Why morphemes on tiers? 61 0.4.1 .2.2. The morphological template 64 0.4.1 .3. Lexical phonology 67 0.4.1 .3.2. Bracket erasure 72 0.4.1 .3.3. Tier conflation 73 0.41 .4. Underspecification 75 0.4.1 .4.1. Feature specification of phonemes 76 0.4.1 .4.2. The marked feature-value 77 0.4.1 .4.3. Non-specified segments 79 0.4.1 .44. Redundancy rules 81 0.4.1 .44.1. Ordering of redundancy rules 81 0.4.1 .4.4.2. Types of redundancy rules 82 0.4.1 .5. Feature geometry 85 041 5 1 Hierarchical ordering of distinctive features 85 0.4.1 .5.2. The NSS 88 0.4.1 .5.3. Assimilation processes 90 0,4.1 .5.3.1. Total assimilation 90 0.4.1 .5.3.2. Coalescence 91 0.41.5.3.3. Partial assimilation 92 0.4.1 .5.3.4. Complex consonant formation 93 0.4.1.5.3.5. 'Parasitic' harmony 94 0.4.1.5.4. The present model 95 0.4.1.6. Notes on transcription symbols used 97 4 0.41.6.1. Other symbols and abbreviations 98 1. Chapter One: Syllabification in the Dialects 100 1.1 Syllable types 102 1.1.1. Words in isolation 102 1.1.2. Words in continuous utterance 102 1.2. Initial consonant clusters 104 1.2.1. Extra-syllabicity of the first consonant 104 1.3. Utterance-final syllables 106 1.3.1. Superheavy syllables 106 1.3.1.1. Utterance-final collocational constraints 107 1.3.1.1.1. Geminate consonants 114 1.3.1.1.2. Sonority hierarchy 115 1.3.2. Utterance-final coda formation 117 1.3.2.1. Consonant-epenthesi s j 18 1.3.2.2. Bare nucleus deletion 118 1.3.2.3. Diphthongisation 119 1.4 Representation of the syllable 120 1.4.1. The syllable template 120 1.4.1.1. The fla t template 120 1.4.1.2. The configurational template 121 1.4.2. Flat v. configurational 121 1.4.3. Accentuation 123 1.44 Collocational constraints 127 1.4.41. Nucleus 127 1.442. Rhyme 129 1.45. The minimal syllable 131 1.4.6. The syllable template for the dialects 133 1.4.7. Syllable constituents and hierarchy within the syllable 134 1.5. Syllabification 135 5 1.6. Resyllabification 137 1.6.1. Hubaiji 138 1.6.1.1. Laryngeal disassociation and resyllabification 138 1.6.2. Kusmi and Gabiini 140 1.6.2.1. /h/ disassociation and resyllabification 140 1.6.2.2. /?/disassociation and resyllabification 141 1.7. Structure-preserving processes 142 1.7.1. CC in4mt4a1 position 142 1.7.1.1. Vowel prothesis 143 1.7.1.2. Consonant prothesis 143 1.7.2. Concatenation of vowel-final and vowel-initial morphemes 143 1.7.2.1. Rhyme disassociation 143 1.7.2.1.1. Hubaiji 144 1.7.2.1.2. Hubaiji, Kusmi and Gabiini 145 1.7.2.2. Complex consonant formation 145 1.7.2.2.1. Hubaiji 145 t.7.2.2.2. Kusmi 147 1.7.2.3. Consonant epenthesis 148 1.7.3. Concatenation of final (V)CC and initial CV morphemes 150 1.7.3.1. Vowel epenthesis 150 1.7.3.2. Laryngeal disassociation 152 2. Chapter Two: Glides, the Vocalic Plane and Vocalic Features 154 2.1. The representation of gl ides 155 2.1.1. Utterance-final phenomena 157 2.1.1.1. Final short vowels 158 2.1.1.1.1. Bare nucleus deletion 158 2.1.1.1.1.1. Vocalic feature disassociation 158 6 2.1.1.1.1.2. Complex consonant formation 159 2.1.1.1.1.3. Coalescence 161 2.1.1.1.2. Consonant epenthesis 162 2.1.1.2. Finallong vowels 162 2.1.1.2.1. Diphthongisation 163 2.1.1.2.2. Glottalisation 164 2.1.2. Laryngeals and high glides as non-syllabic vocoids 164 2.1.2.1. The ‘glide' problem 165 2.1.2.2. The position of laryngeals 167 2.2. Features in the vocalic matrix 167 2.2.1. The feature [guttural] 172 2.2.1.1. [+Guttural] segments 173 2.2.1.2. The effect of [+6] consonants on syllable structure 175 2.2.1.3. The effect of [+G] consonants on vowel quality 176 2.2.2. The feature [palatal] 178 2.2.2.1. Nasal infection 178 22.2.2. Palatalisation processes 179 2.3. Vocalic matrices 181 2.3.2. The feature matrix tree 182 2.3.3. The consequences of eliminating [B] and [L] 183 2.3.3.1. [Back] 183 2.3.3.1.1. [Back] as a consonantal feature 184 2.3.3.2.