Party System Institutionalisation in New Democracies of Latin America, Europe and Asia

Party System Institutionalisation in New Democracies of Latin America, Europe and Asia

Party System Institutionalisation in New Democracies of Latin America, Europe and Asia A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2015 Eduardo Olivares Concha School of Social Sciences 2 Contents List of Tables, Figures and Images _______________________________________________ 9 Abstract ___________________________________________________________________ 13 Declaration ________________________________________________________________ 15 Copyright Statement _________________________________________________________ 17 Dedication _________________________________________________________________ 19 Acknowledgments ___________________________________________________________ 19 The Author _________________________________________________________________ 21 List of Abbreviations _________________________________________________________ 23 Chapter One │ Introducing Party System Institutionalisation _________________________ 27 1.1 BACKGROUND ___________________________________________________________ 27 1.2 KEY CONCEPTS FOR THE STUDY OF PARTY SYSTEM CONSOLIDATION ________________________ 30 1.2.1 PARTIES ______________________________________________________________ 30 1.2.2 PARTY SYSTEMS _________________________________________________________ 31 1.2.3 COMPARING PARTY SYSTEMS ________________________________________________ 31 1.2.4 INSTITUTIONALISATION OF PARTIES AND PARTY SYSTEMS ______________________________ 34 1.3 THEORY OF PARTY SYSTEM INSTITUTIONALISATION __________________________________ 36 1.4 THE PROBLEM ____________________________________________________________ 39 1.5 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS ___________________________________________________ 40 Chapter Two │ Theoretical Implications of PSI ____________________________________ 41 2.1 INTRODUCTION ___________________________________________________________ 41 2.2 RATIONALE OF DIMENSIONS __________________________________________________ 42 3 2.2.1 STABILITY ______________________________________________________________ 42 2.2.2 PARTY ROOTS IN SOCIETY ___________________________________________________ 46 2.2.3 LEGITIMACY ____________________________________________________________ 47 2.2.4 ORGANISATIONAL STRENGTH OF PARTIES ________________________________________ 48 2.3 OPERATIONALISING STABILITY _________________________________________________ 49 2.3.1 PEDERSEN VOLATILITY INDEX_________________________________________________ 50 2.3.2 GLOBAL AND REGIONAL EVIDENCE _____________________________________________ 51 2.4 INITIAL CHALLENGES IN THE PSI RESEARCH ________________________________________ 57 2.4.1 SEMI-AUTHORITARIANISM, SEMI-DEMOCRACIES ____________________________________ 58 2.4.2 MATURE DEMOCRACIES ____________________________________________________ 60 2.4.3 CORRELATION ___________________________________________________________ 63 2.5 SUBSTANTIVE CHALLENGES IN THE PSI RESEARCH ____________________________________ 64 2.5.1 ROLE OF CLEAVAGES ______________________________________________________ 66 2.5.2 CONTRIBUTION OF PERSONALISM _____________________________________________ 72 2.5.3 RELEVANCE OF THE LEGITIMACY DIMENSION ______________________________________ 75 2.6 CONCLUSIONS ____________________________________________________________ 79 Chapter Three │ Research Design _______________________________________________ 81 3.1 INTRODUCTION ___________________________________________________________ 81 3.2 KEY INDICATOR ___________________________________________________________ 81 3.3 CASE SELECTION __________________________________________________________ 82 3.4 EVIDENCE TO TEST _________________________________________________________ 90 3.4.1 EVIDENCE FOR THE ROLE OF CLEAVAGES _________________________________________ 91 3.4.2 EVIDENCE FOR THE CONTRIBUTION OF PERSONALISM ________________________________ 92 3.4.3 EVIDENCE FOR THE RELEVANCE OF LEGITIMACY_____________________________________ 94 3.5 GENERAL DATA AND METHODS ________________________________________________ 96 3.5.1 SURVEY DATA ___________________________________________________________ 96 3.5.2 ELITE INTERVIEWS ________________________________________________________ 98 3.5.3 POPULATION INTERVIEWS __________________________________________________ 104 3.6 CONCLUSIONS ___________________________________________________________ 111 4 Chapter Four │ Hierarchical role of cleavages ____________________________________ 113 4.1 INTRODUCTION __________________________________________________________ 113 4.2 HIERARCHICAL DEBATE _____________________________________________________ 115 4.3 HYPOTHESES AND EXPECTATIONS _____________________________________________ 121 4.4 DATA AND METHODS ______________________________________________________ 122 4.4.1 DATA _______________________________________________________________ 123 4.4.2 METHODS ____________________________________________________________ 129 4.5 REGRESSION RESULTS _____________________________________________________ 131 4.5.1 CLEAVAGE CONTRIBUTION _________________________________________________ 131 4.5.2 CLEAVAGE CONTRIBUTION OVER TIME _________________________________________ 134 4.6 CLEAVAGE HIERARCHY FOR POLITICAL PRACTITIONERS _______________________________ 138 4.6.1 IDEOLOGICAL CLEAVAGE __________________________________________________ 139 4.6.2 ETHNIC CLEAVAGE ______________________________________________________ 147 4.6.3 REGIONAL CLEAVAGE ____________________________________________________ 149 4.7 CONCLUSIONS __________________________________________________________ 153 Chapter Five │ The Shining Side of Personalism __________________________________ 157 5.1 INTRODUCTION __________________________________________________________ 157 5.2 FRAMEWORK FOR ANALYSIS _________________________________________________ 159 5.3 FOUR IDEAL TYPES OF PARTY LEADERSHIPS _______________________________________ 160 5.3.1 PROGRAMMATIC PARTIES _________________________________________________ 161 5.3.2 AUTHORITY CLASSES _____________________________________________________ 162 5.3.3 ASSESSING POLITICAL PARTY (SYSTEM) LEADERSHIP ________________________________ 163 5.4 HYPOTHESES AND EXPECTATIONS _____________________________________________ 167 5.5 DATA AND METHODS ______________________________________________________ 169 5.5.1 ELITE INTERVIEWS _______________________________________________________ 169 5.5.2 NET LEADERSHIP DURATION ________________________________________________ 169 5.5.3 EXPERT SURVEY ________________________________________________________ 170 5.6 PARTY LEADERSHIP TYPES IN ACTION ___________________________________________ 170 5.6.1 SOPHISTICATED PARTY LEADERSHIPS __________________________________________ 170 5.6.2 BLURRED PARTY LEADERSHIPS _______________________________________________ 173 5 5.6.3 EGOCENTRIC PARTY LEADERSHIP _____________________________________________ 176 5.6.4 PROMISING PARTY LEADERSHIP ______________________________________________ 179 5.7 PARTY LEADERSHIP DURATION ________________________________________________ 184 5.8 PARTY LEADERSHIPS AND PARTY SYSTEM INSTITUTIONALISATION ________________________ 186 5.8.1 CLASSIFYING CASE STUDIES _________________________________________________ 186 5.8.2 WIDER APPLICATION OF THE TYPOLOGY ________________________________________ 189 5.8.3 FURTHER REFLECTIONS ____________________________________________________ 191 5.9 CONCLUSIONS ___________________________________________________________ 193 Chapter Six │ Can Party Systems Be Considered Legitimate? ________________________ 195 6.1 INTRODUCTION __________________________________________________________ 195 6.2 THE BOUNDARIES OF LEGITIMACY______________________________________________ 197 6.2.1 INPUT- AND OUTPUT-ORIENTED LEGITIMACY _____________________________________ 198 6.2.2 LEGITIMACY AND DEMOCRACY _______________________________________________ 199 6.3 BY WHOM AND TO WHOM? _________________________________________________ 201 6.3.1 LEGITIMATION BY THE ELITES ________________________________________________ 201 6.3.2 LEGITIMATION BY THE CITIZENRY _____________________________________________ 202 6.4 HYPOTHESES AND EXPECTATIONS ______________________________________________ 204 6.5 DATA AND METHODS ______________________________________________________ 206 6.6 RESULTS _______________________________________________________________ 209 6.6.1 POLITICAL LEGITIMACY AND PARTY SYSTEM STABILITY _______________________________ 210 6.6.2 ELITES’ LEGITIMATION OF ELECTIONS AND PARTIES _________________________________ 213 6.6.3 CITIZENS’ LEGITIMATION OF ELECTIONS AND PARTIES ________________________________ 215 6.7 CONCLUSIONS ___________________________________________________________ 228 Chapter Seven │ General Conclusions ___________________________________________ 231 7.1 INTRODUCTION __________________________________________________________ 231 7.1.1 THESIS REVIEW _________________________________________________________ 232 7.1.2 GENERALISING INFERENCES _________________________________________________ 233 7.1.3 STRUCTURE OF CONCLUSIONS _______________________________________________ 234 7.2 PATTERNS OF PARTY SYSTEM INSTITUTIONALISATION IN NEW DEMOCRACIES ________________ 234 6 7.2.1 CLEAVAGES ARE RELEVANT VARIABLES _________________________________________ 235 7.2.2 THE OTHER SIDE OF PERSONALISM ____________________________________________ 237 7.2.3 THE PROBLEMATIC LEGITIMACY ______________________________________________ 238 7.3 FURTHER

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