This is the accepted manuscript (post-print version) of the article. As regards to content, the post- print version is identical to the final published version, but there may be differences in typography, layout, and copy editing. Please cite the published version: Liebst, Lasse Suonperä and Sam Griffiths. 2019. Space syntax theory and Durkheim’s social morphology: a reassessment. Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory https://doi.org/10.1080/1600910X.2019.1641121 Space syntax theory and Durkheim’s social morphology: a reassessment Lasse Suonperä Liebst and Sam Griffiths Abstract In outlining their influential architectural theory of space syntax, Hillier and Hanson acknowledge its affinity to Durkheim’s classical sociology, including his social morphological considerations on the spatial basis of social life. In doing so, space syntax theory promised to address the then woefully under-theorised relationship between society and space, specifically by emphasising the agency of spatial-morphological arrangements. Given the Durkheimian inspiration, it is surprising that sociology has been so silent on the subject of space syntax theory. This lack of dialogue may be explained by the gestation of space syntax research within the specialist disciplinary silo of architectural theory, as well as by the default sociological assessment that formal methodologies of spatial analysis, such as those associated with space syntax, sustain a discredited fallacy of physical determinism. Yet, intellectually this situation is unfortunate: while sociology overlooks how space syntax theory has advanced the Durkheimian understanding of spatial morphologies, space syntax theory misses an opportunity to update and broaden its notion of social processes. In response, this article revisits Durkheim’s social morphology and reviews the analytical strengths and deficits of Hillier and Hanson’s consideration of Durkheimian theory. We identify how difficulties arise because of an over-reliance of space syntax theory on the structural functionalist macro-wing of the Durkheimain tradition. To address this issue, we prepare the ground for a theoretical engagement between space syntax and the micro-sociological branch of the Durkheiminan scholarship, and show how this tradition offers a more coherent means for translating the spatio-morphological insights of space syntax theory into contemporary debates in the sociology of space. 1 Introduction Space is on the sociological research agenda. It is currently argued that social theory is turning towards a wider appreciation of space (Warf and Arias 2008), implying that spatiality should be regarded a novel aspect of sociological inquiry (Latour 1996, Latour and Yaneva 2008). As highlighted by Tonboe (1993), however, it is misleading to regard space as a “new” sociological dimension. It would be more accurate to say that the spatial dimension has been “lost and found” repeatedly across the sociological tradition, as reflected in the circumstance that the sociological classics previously conceptualised societal processes in the context of space. The tendency to neglect these early contributions is symptomatic for the field of the sociology of space, and this is arguably most conspicuous with regard to one of the founding fathers of French sociology, Émile Durkheim, whose notion of social morphology asserted a role for space in the very heart of sociological inquiry (Tonboe 1993; Liebst 2016; Lindemann 2011). This neglect translates further, as suggested by Smith (1999), into an under-utilisation of the space theoretical contributions found within the Durkheimian tradition, including the work of Mary Douglas (1970), Levi-Strauss (1974), and Victor Turner (1977). With remarkably few exceptions, it is thus outside mainstream sociology that we find a contemporary contribution that fully acknowledges and Durkheim’s theorising on space. The analytical architecture theory of space syntax – paradigmatically set out in Hillier and Hanson’s (1984) The Social Logic of Space – incorporates key elements of Durkheim’s sociology into its theoretical foundations. Durkheim is also referenced time and again, both in the formative publications leading up to this book (e.g. Hanson 1976; Hillier et al. 1976; 1978) and in the numerous theoretical contributions that followed (e.g. Hillier et al. 1987; Hillier 1989; Hiller and Netto 2002; Hillier 2008; Hillier 2010; Hanson 2012). The space syntax-Durkheim link also manifests itself in the circustance that when other sociological scholars are referenced by Hillier and Hanson, the overwhelming majority are placed within a Durkheimian space-theoretical paradigm. Given this record of engagement, there is a strong – if perhaps somewhat unexpected – case to be made that the space syntax tradition provides one of the most significant elaborations of Durkheim’s social morphological theory on offer to contemporary sociologists. Most sociologists will be unfamiliar with the field of space syntax that emerged in the Bartlett School of Architecture at University College London (UCL) during the 1970s, and which continues to host the Space Syntax Laboratory. The research field now forms a global community, with nodes 2 established in schools of architecture and built environment worldwide.1 While space syntax provides a useful nexus for interdisciplinary research in built environment its disciplinary positioning is firmly in architecture, where a large number of practising architects – including leading figures such as Norman Foster (1997) – employ space syntax methods as a tool in the design process. Many of these practical applications are, as we shall see below, looking to model the effect of architectural and urban space on human movement. Space syntax initially arose in response to what its pioneers, most notably Bill Hillier, regarded as the inadequate theorisation of the human-made environment – a situation they believed presented a serious impediment to articulating architectural design knowledge as an autonomous knowledge domain. The need for such an articulation was part of a general response to the perceived crisis of architectural modernism in the late 1960s, as many of the more utopian aspirations for architecture in the post-war era (for example in the design of housing estates and new towns) became increasingly identified with social dysfunction. For Hillier, as for many other architectural thinkers of this era, this crisis suggested a need to rethink the nature of the relationship between architecture and society. In a series of papers in the early 1970s, Hillier and colleagues drew heavily on systems theory and mathematical logic from the emerging field of computer science to question prevailing mechanistic and idealist theories of the human environment in architectural design (Hillier and Leaman 1973a; 1974). Conventionally, this was conceived in terms of direct physicalist determinants, or in socio-psychological terms as a cognitive image of a social totality (Hillier and Leaman 1973b). These simplifications, Hillier argued, elided the distinguishing quality of architectural design that also defined its disciplinary autonomy, namely addressing the relation of form and function in the spatial-morphological environment where social life actually takes place. While the engagement of space syntax with sociological and Durkheimian scholarship is extensive, sociology on the other hand, offers only few scattered remarks on space syntax (e.g. Löw 2008). These are often rather parenthetical and delivered in a rather dismissive tone, typically expressing distrust for its deployment of formal, analytical methods and certainly without acknowledging the Durkhiemian contribution (e.g. Saunders 2003; Soja 2001). This scepticism may be traced back to an assertion that the space syntax approach commits the same “fallacy of physical determinism”, which Gans (1968) famously identified in Jacobs’ (1961) architectural thought. Thus, while sociological theories of space tend to “approach the society–environment relation ‘society 1 The Proceedings of the International Space Syntax Symposia, held bianually since 1997, are available on open access and offer a good overview of the community’s diverse research interests and activities, see spacesyntax.net. 3 first’, in that the form of the environment is sought as the product of the spatial dimensions of social processes”, the idea of space syntax theory is, as Hillier (2008, p. 1) puts it, “to turn the question the other way round and through ‘environment first’ studies look for evidence of social processes in the spatial forms of the built environment”. For most sociologists, this architectural ambition to study the “real space” of built morphologies reflects an “absolutist” understanding of spatiality, which Löw’s (2016) recent contribution has criticised for naively assuming that space exists independently of social action. Sociologists are overall, as summarised by Logan (2012, p. 507), “less interested in spatial patterns in themselves, and more interested in how they translate into social relations.” Yet, as humans are discretely situated individuals in the material world (Turner 2010), there is a need to theorise how our spatio-morphological arrangements enables the construction of social relations across space; a question with clear Durkheimian resonances. In this spirit, the current article proceeds to take some initial steps to establish space syntax as an important Durkheimian morphological contribution, highlighting the productive role of society’s