ROLE OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN CURBING NORTH-SOUTH MIGRATION IN GHANA; A STUDY IN JIRAPA DISTRICT

BY

Sa-Adu Misiri

(PG 2078708)

A Thesis Submitted to the Institute of Distance Learning, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree in COMMONWEALTH EXECUTIVE MASTERS IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION (CEMPA)

April, 2012

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Declaration

I hereby declare that this submission is my own work towards CEMPA and to the best of my

knowledge, it contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree of

the University or elsewhere except where due acknowledgement has been made in the text.

Sa-Adu Misiri (PG 2078708) ………………………………………… ……………………………..

Student Name and ID Signature Date

Certified By:

Mr. Baba Hananu ……………………………….. …………………

Name of Supervisor Signature Date

Certified By:

Prof. I. K. Dontwi ………………………………… …………………….

Dean, IDL Signature Date

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Dedication

I dedicate this piece of work to my lovely wife; Mrs. Rafia Sa-Adu, our son; Mubashir Sa-Adu, and daughter; Rashida Sa-Adu, all my siblings, my late father; Alhaji Sa-Adu Yakubu and my late mothers and all my love ones whose prayers and encouragements have made this dream a reality.

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Acknowledgments

My first thanks go to Almighty Allah for guiding and protecting me throughout my life to date. I wish to offer my profound gratitude to my supervisor, Mr. Baba Hananu for his interest in the work, encouragement, and useful suggestions offered during the course of this work. I say

Almighty Allah Richly Bless You.

I wish to also thank the Assembly Members, UC members and all interviewees especially Hon.

James Ziekye who assisted me in mobilizing other Assembly members and Households to make

my work simple. My special thanks go to my wife, Mrs. Sa-Adu Rafia who persistently

reminded me about the thesis; my brothers: Sa-Adu Shafiq, Sa-Adu Ibrahim, Abdul-Rashid

Alolo, Yussif Yakubu (Pacos), Abdul- Jaleel Alolo and Muntaka Alolo. My sisters: Sa-Adu

Maria, Sa-Adu Suweiba, Sa-Adu Hamdia, Sa-Adu Shamsia and Imoro Fadila. My colleagues:

Adam Abdul-Rahaman, Yahaya Iddrisu, Alidu Abdul Fatahi, Sulemana Mudasir, Ibrahim

Hamdu, Yakubu Amin (Abaa), Zakaria Abdul- Jalil and his wife Mrs. Zakaria Fawzia.

I wish to also send my profound thanks to all members of Palace in Sabonjida especially Yussif

Yakubu (Pacos), Sulemana Amin (General), Baba Zakaria, Ahamed Gawsu, Hon. Prince Abuba,

Awudu Mohammed, Tamimu Mohammed Salifu, Alhaji Baba Yahaya and all people of

Sabonjida and Bomahagu including those whose names are not mentioned here.

I wish to finally express my profound thanks to my GODFATHER Alhaji Alhassan Alolo and

his wife Hajia Mariam Alolo for their continuous support and guidance of our family; I say

Almighty Allah Richly Bless You.

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Table of Contents

Declaration ii Dedication iii Acknowledgments iv Table of Contents v List of Tables viii List of Figures ix List of Acronyms x Abstract xii CHAPTER ONE 1

1.0 INTRODUCTION 14 1.1 Background to the study 14 1.2 Problem Statement 15 1.3 Objectives of the Study 17 1.3.1 General Objective 17 1.3.2 Specific Objectives 17 1.4 Research Questions 18 1.5 Scope of the study 18 1.6 Significance of the Study 18 1.7 Limitations of the Study 19 1.8 Organization of the Study 20 CHAPTER TWO 22 2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW 22 2.1 Introduction 22 2.2 Theoretical Framework of Decentralization 22 2.2.1 Political Decentralization/Devolution 23 2.2.2 De-Concentration 23 2.2.3 Delegation 24 2.3 Structure of the Local Government System 24 2.4 Concept of the District Assemblies 25

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2.4.1 Planning 26 2.4.2 Organizing 27 2.4.3 Coordinating 28 2.4.4 Allocating Resources 29 2.5 Unit Committees and Decentralization 30 2.6 Financial Decentralization 31 2.7 Local Government Planning for Rural Poverty Reduction 32 2.8 Development Gap between Northern and Southern Ghana 33 2.8.1 Conditions for Addressing the North-South Development Gap 34 2.8.1.1 Political Conditions 34 2.8.1.2 Economic Conditions 35 2.8.1.3 Socio-Cultural Conditions 36 2.9 Theoretical Framework of Migration 37 2.9.2 Historical Perspective of North-South Migration 37 2.9.3 Migration in the Upper West Region 38 2.10 Causes of North-South Migration 39 2.11 Effects of North-South Migration 41 CHAPTER THREE 44 3.0 METHODOLOGY 44 3.1 Introduction 44 3.2 Research Design 44 3.3 Instruments of the Study 45 3.4 Study Population 45 3.5 Sample and Sampling Technique 45 3.6 Reconnaissance Visit and Pre-Test 48 3.7 Data Collection and Sources 48 3.8 Data Analysis and Presentation 48 3.10 Profile of the Study Area 48 CHAPTER FOUR 51 4.0 PRESENTATION OF RESULTS, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION 51 4.1 Introduction 51 4.2 Causes of North-South Migration 54 vi

4.3 Effects of Out-Migration 62 4.4 Challenges of Local Government System in Ghana 67 4.5 Role of Local Government System in Addressing North-South Migration . 72 CHAPTER FIVE 77 5.0 SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 77 5.1 Introduction 77 5.2 Summary of Major Findings 77 5.2.1 Causes of North-South Migration 77 5.2.2 Effects of North-South Migration 78 5.2.3 Challenges of the Local Government System 78 5.3 Conclusions 79 5.4 Recommendations 80 5.4.1 Promote Popular Participation in Local Governance 80 5.4.2 Provide Reward Packages for Rural Service 80 5.4.3 Promote Agricultural Export in the North 81 5.4.4 Initiate a National Policy on Migration 81 REFERENCES 82 APPENDICES 90 Appendix A: Interview Guide 90 Appendix B: Jirapa District Map 96

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List of Tables

Table 1.1 Volume of net- migration by Regions for 1984 and 2000. 16

Table 3.1 Sampling Structure 46

Table 4.1 Background Characteristics of Respondents 51

Table 4.2 Age Distribution of Respondents 52

Table 4.3 Educational Background of Respondents 53

Table 4.4 Have you ever migrated Down-South 55

Table 4.5 Reasons for not Migrating Down-South 57

Table 4.6 Given the Opportunity, Will you travel Down-South 58

Table 4.7 Do You Consider the Southern Part of Ghana Better than the North in Terms of Development 59

Table 4.8 The Development Gap Between the North and the South can be Closed 61

Table 4. 9 Will you Encourage Out-Migration among the People in Your Community? 66

Table 4.10 Do you have Specific Mandate as a Local Government Representative 67

Table 4.11 Are You Aware of LI 1726 (2003) that Clearly Set Out the Role of the Local Government

Unit? 69

Table 4.12 Do you Consider Out-Migration a Problem in your Area? 72

Table 4.13 Policies/Programmes/Projects by Local Governemnt Authorities to Avert the Situation. 73

Table 4.14 Role of the District Assembly in Minimizing Out-Migration 75

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List of Figures

Fig. 4.1 Monthly Income against Occupation of Respondents 54

Figure 4.2 Reasons for Migrating Down-South 56

Figure 4.3 What have you seen Positive about the North Not Found in the South 60

Figure 4.4 Positive Effects of Out-Migration 62

Figure 4.5 Negative Effects of Out-Migration 64

Figure 4.6 Contributions of Migrants to Community Development 65

Figure 4.7 Mandates of Local Government Representatives 68

Figure 4.8 Logistics Required by Local Government Representatives 70

Figure 4.9 Challenges of Local Government System 71

Figure 4.10 Role of UCs in Minimising Out-Migration 59

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List of Acronyms

ADF: African Development Fund

AIDS: Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

CEPA: Centre for Policy Analysis

CFA: Common Fund Administrator

CHRAJ: Commission for Human Rights and Administrative Justice

CLGF: Commonwealth Local Government Forum

CPRC: Chronic Poverty Research Centre

DA: District Assembly

DACF: District Assembly Common Fund

DCD: District Coordinating Director

DCE: District Chief Executive

DPCU: District Planning Coordinating Unit

GLSS: Ghana Living Standard Survey

GSS: Ghana Statistical Service

HIV: Human Immune Virus

ILO: International Labour Organization

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ISSER : Institute of Statistical, Social, and Economic Research

LI : Legislative Instrument

MLGRD: Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development

MP : Member of Parliament

NCCE: National Commission for Civic Education

NDPC: National Development Planning Commission

NGO: Non Governmental Organization

PDC: People Defense Committee

PNDC: Provisional National Defense Council

PRA: Participatory Rural Appraisal

RCC: Regional Coordinating Council

UC: Unit Committee

UNDP: United Nations Development Programme

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Abstract

Pre- colonial development gap between the North and the South still persists in spite of several

governmental and non-governmental interventions and creating a net migration of Northern

youth to the South for menial jobs. Promoting the welfare of rural people is at the heart of the

local government; this study attempts to identify various ways that local governance can

contribute in arresting the North-South migration in Ghana. A survey of 219 Households and 61

Unit Committee (UC) members selected from each of the eight (8) town/area councils in Jirapa;

and a sample of 39 elected Assembly members produced interesting results. 77.7% of the

respondents were in the informal sector and their average monthly incomes range from GHC

38.00 to GHC 140.1 per month. Farmers who constitute 57% of the respondents have an average

income of GHC 87.00 per month. The study showed that 91.8% respondents have ever migrated

Down-South for various developmental reasons including food security and jobs. Though the

local government representatives have been mandated to take charge of the welfare of the people

in their area, they lack the basic logistics, qualified personnel, and discretion on the disbursement

of the District Assembly Common Fund (DACF). These discourage popular participation in the

local governance system. To this end, we recommend that the local government system should

be resourced with qualified personnel and logistics to help it achieve the purpose for which they

were setup. In orer to address the North-South migration, there is the need to open up the North to other parts of the country and other neighbouring countries to promote economic activities and job creation.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the study

During Ghana’s colonial administration, governmental apparatus for political and economic decision-making was highly centralized. There was little or no involvement of the people resulting in poorly planned and poorly executed district and regional projects. The genesis of decentralization in Ghana was the British indirect rule through the chiefs and their elders (Antwi-

Boasiako and Bonna, 2009). Those chiefs who cooperated with the British were rewarded and uncooperative ones punished. Such an authoritative implementation of the concept created fear among the chiefs and their subjects (Banfo, 2000). Post-independent era of Ghana did little to change the political structures established by the colonial masters until mid 1970’s when government tried to empower the locals (Nkrumah, 2000). The history of present day decentralization is credited to the Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC) Administration.

The passage of the local government law PNDC 207 saw a creation of 110 district councils and their respective district assemblies were set up to ensure local participation in the decision- making process. This led to the formation of the defunct People Defense Committees (PDCs) in communities to identify each area’s development needs and try to solve local problems. The

PDCs generated local interest in local governance as district level elections during the 1988 recorded a turn-out of 58.9%, the highest since the inception of local level elections in Ghana

(Assibey-Mensah, 2000).

Following over a decade of dictatorship, the 1992 constitution provided a transition from a military rule to a multi-party democracy. It consolidated the aim of decentralization within the

14 overall context of a liberal democratic constitution, yet essential democratic elements remained compromised through the retention of presidential appointment instead of local elections in the districts (Antwi-Bosiako, 2010). This new decentralization was aimed at transferring power, authority, and responsibility from the central government to sub-national level of government. It was also aimed at fostering popular participation, transparency, responsiveness, accountability, stability, efficiency, decongestion of the national capital and other urban areas and above all checking rural-urban drift and north-south migration in Ghana (World Bank, 2006).

1.2 Problem Statement

As a consequence of age-old problems of high centralization and lack of grass root participation in local governance that partly resulted from the lack of meaningful social and economic development, disparity in the provision of socio-economic infrastructure between urban and rural dwellers, local governance gained prominence in Ghana. As a result of this, various governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and even some private sector operatives, contribute significantly to local governance in order to promote and improve the socio-economic wellbeing of the rural people. This is often supposed to be done by actively involving the people in determining and implementing their development priorities (1992 Constitution). Despite the provision in the constitution that sought to bring decision making to the doorsteps of the people, the age-long problems of underemployment, poor infrastructure, economic, and other socio- cultural factors still persist in the localities causing the drift of rural folks to the urban centres for menial jobs.

Dating back to the twentieth century, migration has played an increasingly important role in the lives and livelihood of people of Upper West Region of Ghana. Every year, a large proportion of adult and sometimes children population travel hundreds of kilometers to Southern Ghana to

15 work as seasonal farm labourers. This is because there are few employment opportunities in their home villages especially during the dry season (November to May) while in the same period, labour demand peaks for certain crops in the southern part of Ghana. Apart from this seasonal migration, 26.9% of the people born in Upper West have settled in Southern Ghana more permanently as farmers, informal sector workers, charcoal burners, public servants, and traders.

Some of them will stay in southern Ghana and some will eventually return home (Ghana

Statistical Service, 2002). The canker has not stopped and is still reaching an alarming rate even with the promulgation of the 1992 constitution establishing the local governance to deal with the socio-economic problems of the rural people in order to prevent or minimize the migration of rural folks to urban centres. The analysis of the most recent trends in migration indicates that

Upper West Region is by far the most affected region in Ghana in terms of percentage of net migration as shown in the table (1.1) below: volume of net-migration by regions for the 1984 and

2000 (GSS, 2002).

Table 1.1 Volume of net- migration by Regions for 1984 and 2000.

Region 1984 2000

Western 46,687 35,792 18.23%

Central -77,874 -274,579 17.23%

Greater Accra 153,154 901,780 31.03%

Volta 97,192 -403,404 24.67%

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Eastern -78,136 -224,386 10.65%

Ashanti -28,327 197,059 5.45%

Brong Ahafo 52,192 163,749 9.02%

Northern 10,716 -139,216 7.65%

Upper East -20,762 -201,532 21.90%

Upper West -3,083 -191,653 33.24%

Source: GSS, 2002

The table above indicates that there was a net loss in population in the 2000 in the Eastern, Volta,

Central, Northern, Upper East and Upper West Regions. Upper West Region however, recorded the highest in terms of percentage (33.24%) in the year 2000. This call for an investigation as to

how to arrest the situation especially by using the local government system that seeks to promote

the welfare of the rural dwellers.

1.3 Objectives of the Study

1.3.1 General Objective

The general objective of the study is to examine the role that local government system can play

in curbing the North-South migration in Ghana.

1.3.2 Specific Objectives

1. To examine the causes of North-South migration.

2. To examine the effects of out-migration for the socio-economic development of the people.

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3. To examine the role of local government representatives in addressing the North-South

migration.

4. To examine the challenges of the local government system in addressing the North-South

migration.

5.To make recommendations to the central and local government including all stakeholders on

how to address the North-South migration

1.4 Research Questions

1. What are the causes of North-South migration?

2. What are the effects of out-migration on the socio-economic development of the people?

3. How can local government representatives address the North-South migration?

4. What are the challenges of the local government system in addressing the North-South

Migration?

5. What are the recommendations for the stakeholders in addressing the North-South migration?

1.5 Scope of the study

The study was conducted in Jirapa District of the Upper West Region. The district is made up of eight (8) town/area councils and thirty-nine elected Assembly members, 15 appointed Assembly members, 195 Unit Committee members. The total population in the district is 87,525 (GSS,

2010).

1.6 Significance of the Study

The constitution of Ghana aims at decentralization of governance at the local level to increase participation of the people in decision making processes. In lieu of this, the study will provide a

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plat form to access the extent to which the local government representatives perform to achieve

the purpose for which the local government system was instituted.

The local government Act also emphasized equitable development of the country and efforts to redress the development imbalance between urban and rural areas, between Regions and between

Districts through development activities. The study will also examine the development gap that exists between the northern part of Ghana and southern Ghana and how those gaps contribute to the north-south migration.

The study will try to examine why the local government system with all the District Assembly

Common Fund (DACF), and other revenues available is not been able to provide the basic needs of the people to stop them from out-migration. The study also intends to determine the extent to which the local representatives deal with the problems of the ‘‘push factors’’ that result in the movement of the people to the southern part of Ghana.

The study will further provide recommendations for the various stake-holders on how to fashion out policies and programmes to deal with the causes and negative effects of North-South migration in Ghana.

1.7 Limitations of the Study

During the interview with the respondents, one cannot be certain whether they are making the right disclosures since they consider some of the information embarrassing especially when it has to do with why they migrated down south. They may be tempted to tell lies about why they migrated and the effects of migration.

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Human error may occur in the course of the interview, particularly with respect to

misinterpretation, and misrepresentation of information about the respondent. Attempts were

made to minimize this by carrying out an orientation and training of research assistants before

the exercise. A pre-test of the questionnaire was done to fashion out the gaps, misinformation,

and misrepresentation that may arise in the course of administering the questionnaire.

1.8 Organization of the Study

The research was organized, arranged and presented in five chapters.

The first chapter dealt with: introduction to the study, problem statement, objectives of the study,

research questions, significance of the study, methodology of the study, limitations of the study,

and organization of the study.

The second chapter dealt with the relevant literature of the study. It was conducted under the

following headings: introduction, theoretical framework of decentralization, structure of the local

government system in Ghana, district assemblies concept, UCs and decentralization in Ghana,

financial decentralization, the development gap between Northern and Southern Ghana,

theoretical framework of migration, historical perspective of North-South migration, causes of

North-South migration, and effects of North-South migration.

The third chapter was the methodology of the research and this was treated under the following headings: introduction, research design, study population, sample and sampling technique,

reconnaissance visit and pre-test, data collection and sources, data analysis and presentation and

profile of the study area.

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Chapter four dealt with the data presentation, analysis and discussion under the following headings: introduction, the development challenges in the North that cause out-migration, effects of out-migration in the North, challenges of the local government system, and the role of local government system in addressing North-South migration. These were presented in the form of tables and figures for better appreciations of the findings.

Chapter five dealt with summary of major findings, conclusions and recommendations.

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CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

This chapter focused on the review of relevant literature of the study. It touched on the concepts and theories of decentralization and its causes and effects on out-migration in the North.

2.2 Theoretical Framework of Decentralization

The concept of decentralization and its interpretations have become a battleground for a variety of disciplines and theories. However, scholars of public administration including political analysts often discuss theoretical shortcomings and lack of development with very little incorporation of the effect of that theory or model. Decentralization is therefore defined as a process whereby the central government transfers political, fiscal and administrative powers to lower levels in an administrative and territorial hierarchy (Duncan, 2007). In theory it holds that regional and district leaders are held accountable by their people and not the central government.

Also, decentralization is defined in a variety of ways by the degree of delegation and autonomy of local actors (Werlin, 2003), which prevents conflicts and dilemmas in the concept and its impact (Faguet, 1997). In discussing the politics of decentralization it should be noted that the concept goes together with the central government power. Though decentralization is a process of transferring authority and responsibility from the central government to the sub-regional and district levels of government (Stone, 1997), many African leaders only adopt the concept in theory but fail to delegate power to the regions and districts. Kettl (2000) has classified decentralization in three stages based on the degree of discretion and responsibility delegated by the central government:

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2.2.1 Political Decentralization/Devolution

A fully developed system of political decentralization in Ghana is situation where local people in the regions and the districts elect their own executive and legislative personnel so that those units would be able to hire, pay and dismiss administrative personnel without reference to the central authority (Harrigan, 1994). This is what comes closer to decentralization because it involves the legal conferment of powers and the performance of specified functions by formally constituted regional and provincial bodies. Those bodies exercise those powers and perform those functions without reference to the central authority and take legal responsibility of the consequence of the exercise of those powers and performance of those functions. Bodies to which power is devolved are geographically large, such as regions and provinces; the powers and functions are more often delineated by the constitution; and those bodies often represent spheres of governance rather than level of government. Under devolution, powers and functions once devolved are not easily taken back, since this will often require a constitutional amendment

(Ahwoi, 2010).

2.2.2 De-Concentration

This entails the shifting of the workload from central government ministries, departments, and agencies to offices outside the headquarters where the decisions are made without transferring corresponding authority to make decisions at the destination of the transfer. It is a system of field administration through which functions are transferred to field staff to make routine decisions and implement central directive at the local level (Ahwoi, 2010). Assibey-Mensah (2000) also puts it as a power sharing strategy where power is transferred from the central operating agencies to regional ones. The central government under this system uses the local government for efficiency and effectiveness of delivering services (Rondinelli, 1981).

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2.2.3 Delegation

This seeks to transfer power and responsibilities from the central government agencies to

specialized organizations with some degree of operating autonomy (Ayee, 2000). When a power

is delegated, it means the person or organization vested with the authority to make the law or

take a decision has asked another person or organization to do it on their behalf. In that sense,

legal responsibility permanently remains with the person or organization in whom the authority

was originally vested.

2.3 Structure of the Local Government System

The local government system consists of a Regional Co-coordinating Council, a four-tier

Metropolitan and a three-tier Municipal/District Assemblies Structure. The District Assemblies

are either Metropolitan (population over 250,000), Municipal (population over 95,000) or

District (population 75,000 and over) (MLGRD, 2006). A Metropolitan/Municipal/District

Assembly (MMDA) is responsible for the overall development of the district. District

Assemblies have legislative and executive functions and they formulate and implement a

medium term plan (usually five years) and budget, both subject to approval by the central

government. DAs have the overall responsibility to coordinate, integrate and harmonize the

activities of all development agencies in the district inclusive of central government ministries,

departments and agencies and non-governmental organizations. Grass root level constitutes two-

tier Sub District structure namely; Zonal and Town/ Area Councils and Unit Committees (UCs) performing duties delegated to them by the Assemblies but without budgets of their own. UCs cover settlements of about 500-1000 people in rural areas and around 1500 in urban areas acting as a link between the remotest rural locations at the grassroots to district levels (Crowford,

2005).

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The regional governance level consists of 10 Regional Coordinating Councils (RCCs) that coordinate the activities of the District Assemblies within each administrative Region of the country. The Regional Coordinating Councils do not have legislative and rating functions

(Crowford, 2005). A National Commission for Civic Education (NCCE) ensures the involvement of civil society in the governance process, and a commission on Human Rights and

Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) seeks to enforce the observance of human rights and to curb any excesses of the local government bodies. The Ministry of Local Government and Rural

Development exists to promote the establishment and development of a vibrant and well- resourced decentralized system of local government for the people of Ghana to ensure good governance and balanced rural based development.

The local government representatives are non-partisan and so elections of them are paid for by central Government and managed by the Electoral Commission (EC). District Assemblies have

70 per cent of the membership elected while the President in consultation with local interest groups appoint the remaining 30 per cent. District Chief Executives (DCEs) who are nominated by the President and approved by the District Assemblies are in charge of the day to day administration of the Districts. The Area Councils have 20 members, consisting mainly of representation from 5 DA members, 10 UC members plus five central government appointees.

2.4 Concept of the District Assemblies

District assemblies are vital links and pivots to decentralization in Ghana. Not only are they planning authorities, they also exercise legislative and deliberative powers as conferred on them by the local government Act 462 (1993). Each district assembly comprises the District Chief

Executive (DCE), two-third of the members directly elected by the universal adult population in

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the district, one-third of the members appointed by the president in consultation with the

traditional councils and interest groups in the district. DCEs are nominated by the president and

approved by two-third members of the assembly by voting. Presiding members elected from

among members of the assembly by two-third of the district assembly. The Act spells out four major roles for the district assemblies as:

2.4.1 Planning

This is a component of the current system of the district administration. Act 480 of the 1992

constitution offers the legal basis for every DA to develop a focus plan that outlines strategic approaches to meet the development needs of the entire district. Implement Under the

administrative framework of DA, a District Planning Coordinating Unit (DPCU) is supposed to

be established to plan and implement the assembly’s own plans within the framework of the

national plan. Planning is done at all levels of the district assembly. At the grass root level, it

starts at with the community involvement where individuals assume responsibility and develop

the capacity to contribute to their own development through assembly members and sub-district

structures. These initiatives are harnessed into the district plan which is directed into the national

development planning commission (NDPC). The Act also empowers specific institutions and departments with planning powers and provides them the necessary procedure by which they can carry out their planning functions.

Thus, the DPCU coordinates the development planning activities of all sectorial departments

including the various units of the assembly itself. Above all it is responsible for the formulating

and updating the components of the district development plan and perform any other planning

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functions as may required by the NDPC. Hence, the DPCU is nerve centre of all development

planning in the district (Yankson, 2000).

2.4.2 Organizing

Organizing both human and material resource is an important managerial function of the DA.

The current district administration framework makes it difficult if not impossible to employ

formal organizing process in its programmes. In the DAs, organizing involves the use of

channels which require grass root involvement in setting priorities, and establishing development

plans. In the end these plans are passed upward and integrated in the regional and national

development plans. Thus, at all these levels, individuals and departments are engaged in

evaluating the current stage of development, examining prospective development, making strategic choices, allocating resources, and providing the basis for monitoring future performance. In other words organizing takes place when work is divided among departments and in turn among individuals. However, this process in most cases is flouted. Despite the shift from the line management system to that of coordinating at the district level, national authorities sometimes interrupt by using top-down approach to select priorities and determine what should be done at the local level. It is hard to see why those at the centre would want to substitute local

priorities for their own interest. But as long as DAs do not always have access to resources

necessary for organizing, then their authority will remain eroded. Nearly all the DAs have not

been able to secure reliable systems of information gathering, empowered priority setting and

adequate budgeting capacities to be able to organize effectively. Meanwhile, local elites and

party affiliates use their positions to influence and manipulate the distribution of the few

resources meant for organizing to suit their own parochial interest.

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2.4.3 Coordinating

In order to achieve their primary objectives, DAs are charged with coordinating the efforts of

the appropriate service institutions and organizations. These often involve identifying

opportunities for cooperation and collaboration among actors within DA itself as well as

important institutions outside it. This may not necessarily involve the allocation of funds by the

DA but rather to serve as brokers for institutions and organizations to enable them assess existing

funding more effectively and efficiently. In performing its duties therefore, the DA coordinates

the process of planning, budgeting, financing and implementation of all its development

programmes. Thus, when coordinating, it monitors all activities that have to be executed to

ensure that the different units work correctly and smoothly to achieve the organizational goals.

However, the thrust of this responsibility lies on the DCE and District Coordinating director

(DCD). Executive action authorize by the executive committee is carried out by the bureaucratic

machinery of the assembly headed by the DCD. Responsibilities for the financial aspect of

projects are based on the authority of DCD. In this scenario, the managerial function shifts

between the DCD and the DCE. In the case of the DCEs, they act as chairpersons of

implementers of the executive committee decisions which make them coordinators of the

programmes and projects. To further facilitate coordination, all the decentralized departments are

expected to submit quarterly reports to the executive committee through the office of the DCD.

These moves are meant to ensure the integration of matters over which the DA exercise

jurisdiction. Related to coordination is the issue of controlling. The DA controls by monitoring

and evaluating all development programmes in the district. Essentially, controlling ensures that

corrective measures are taken. Because it is through controls that weaknesses and errors are detected. When development objectives are not accomplished, there is the need to examine the

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standards that were set, and then the results of activities measured with the set of standards before taking the necessary corrective actions. In DAs, executive committees need control reports from the subsidiary committees and departments to make sure that goals set are achieved.

However, DAs face special problems since their organizational objectives are set by legislation that is not tangibly stated like those of business objectives. Hence most of their controls and

corrective measures are seen in the area of manpower training, posting and transfer of staff and the review of job descriptions and scheme of service (Sagre and Al-hassan, 2005).

2.4.4 Allocating Resources

Linked to planning and coordination is the issue of allocating of resources from both

government and non-governmental sources. In the current DA system, the power to allocate

resource is vested in the grass root to ensure equity and accountability. Funds from the central government for example may be categorized whiles those non-governmental sources may not be

categorized. Take for instance, a development project to be implemented by the DA in which the

central government is involved; in this project, the central government might have detailed the

funding and even established performance standards. Therefore the DA upon its understanding

of the district only has to transfer the whole package to sub-district structures of the target

community for implementation. But the question is who actually directs and coordinates this

state funded project? Of course, the project team might have put together a plan of action; DAs still lack the exercise of autonomy in the sighting of the project. Thus, a short coming of the

government supported projects to DAs is that it provides little opportunity for local autonomy in

the way funds are spent. In most cases, funds sent down to the DAs from central governments are tied. This means that the system has not worked well in the transfer of resources to the

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localities. Even the District Assembly Common Fund (DACF) that is given to the DAs is also

tied and does not give autonomy to the assemblies to spend.

2.5 Unit Committees and Decentralization

The sub-district and administrative structures such as area councils and UCs are established by law as the lower tiers of administrative and political decision-making in the districts. They provide a vital link between the DAs and the local institutions and resources. While area councils represent a number of community groups whose individual populations are less than 5,000; unit

committee members are made up of five elected members with DA member being part of the UC

and they serve as the important link between the communities and the DAs. The functions of the unit committees are specifically set out in the Legislative Instrument (L.I. 1726, 2003). The functions include:

• Supervision of staff of the DA assigned duties in its area of authority;

• Assisting to enumerate and keep records of all persons and properties;

• Mobilization of members of the unit for implementation of self-help development

projects;

• Monitoring the implementation of self-help development projects;

• Taking lawful steps to abate nuisance;

• Provisions of local focal point for the discussion of local problems and remedial action

where necessary or making recommendations to the DA;

• Making specific proposals to the DA for levying and collection of rates for programmes

and projects;

• Taking responsibility under the guidance of the registrar of births and deaths, for the

registration of births and deaths in the unit;

30

• Organization of communal labour and voluntary work especially with respect to

sanitation.

UCs have an important role in the decentralized development, but a number of constraints inhibit their operation. For instance, there are still inadequate human resources with requisite skills and

organizational competence to make operational the decentralized development system at the sub-

district level. Secondly, many UC members have become disillusioned because they are not paid

allowances unlike their counterparts in the DAs. There is poor contact between DAs and local

communities. If there was a better and regular level of contact, this would enable unit committee

members and local communities to get access to information and decisions of the DAs to

enhance local community development efforts (Botchie, 2000).

2.6 Financial Decentralization

The 1992 Constitution envisaged the establishment of a sound financial base with adequate and

reliable sources of revenue established for each local government unit. A constitutionally

established DACF sets aside a minimum of 7.5 per cent of total national revenue annually for

distribution to District DAs for development. A broad disbursement of the Fund allocates 10 per

cent of the funds as “Reserve Fund” at the national level and 90 per cent is shared according to a

formula approved by Parliament annually. The formula is presented by a constitutionally

independent Common Fund Administrator (CFA). The current Formula uses service pressure,

population density and local revenue improvement effort and district per capita incomes as

weighted factors in sharing the Fund. District Assemblies are further financed through locally

generated revenue that they must collect from user fees, rates (basic and property rates) licenses

and investment income guaranteed by legislation. Another aspect of inter- governmental transfer

31

is the sharing of stool/skin land, timber and mineral revenue to the District Assemblies base on

their district of origin (Pooja, 2010).

2.7 Local Government Planning for Rural Poverty Reduction

Poverty in Ghana is predominantly found in the rural areas. Of the 35% of Ghanaians classified

as poor, 75% live in the rural districts and depend essentially on agricultural production for their

livelihood. The most affected are women who are believed to perform about 40% of all

agricultural activities (World Bank, 1995). Gender inequalities in all labour markets in Ghana are

similar to other developing countries where men and women are concentrated in different

spheres fuelled by an ideology that of what constitute ‘women’s work’ (Brydon, 1992). The

result is that women are concentrated in the type of employment for which the risk of poverty is

high; in food production, unpaid work of family enterprises and self-employment. The informal

sector entails a greater number of women than men due to their levels of skills, education and

lack of economic resources (UNDP, 2007) with only few women breaking into managerial

positions (African Development Fund, 2008). The understanding is that local governance

promote good governance factors such as: participatory democracy and grass root or civil society

participation in decision-making and resource allocation; transparency and anti-corruption

mechanisms; human rights and administrative justice; equitable and fair access to services; fair

balance between government and private sector; and the separation of powers between the

executive, legislative and judicial arm of government. Policy objectives of local governance

aimed at reducing rural poverty (Nkum, 2002) include:

• Build bridges between public administration and investment promotion of private sector

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• Investment in traditional authorities and civil societies for the purpose of enhancing

wealth creation in rural areas.

• Promote grass root participation in the formulation of policies and programmes thereby

enhancing ownership and appropriate choice of priorities and technologies that will

address the needs of the poor.

• Ensure transparency, accountability and anti-corruption mechanisms in public

expenditure processes thereby making more resources available for pro-poor

development.

• Enable the broad base civil society and private sector involvement in the provision of

public goods and services, thereby ensuring more equitable access to basic needs and

services

• Promote civil society capacity to serve as an effective counterpart to the dominance of the

central government in decision making and in the promotion of democratic principles

• Promote popular participation and ownership of the machinery of government by shifting

the process of governance from command to consultative processes and by devolving

power, competence, and resources to the local level.

2.8 Development Gap between Northern and Southern Ghana

There is a wide development gap between the north and the south and this is mostly associated with (a) geography- the lower rainfall, savanna vegetation and remote and inaccessible location of much of the north. This is arguable because Burkina Faso endowments are less good than northern Ghana but its institutions and infrastructure have allowed its people to make better use of the endowments which are there. (b) The pre-colonial relationships between kingdoms and tribes. The differences that exist between the northern kingdoms and the acephalous ethnic

33

groups have been the source of most violent conflicts in the north since the 1980s. (c) The

colonial dispensation which ensured that Northern Ghana was a labour reserve for the southern

mines and forest economy. (d) The post-colonial failure to break the established pattern (World

Bank, 2006).

2.8.1 Conditions for Addressing the North-South Development Gap

The literature on regional development identifies political, economic and socio-cultural conditions which need to be achieved before a country can effectively address regional inequality. These conditions provide the analytical framework for the assessment of Ghana’s approach to regional inequality, and in particular the persistent disadvantage of its three northern regions and the conclusion will return to the question of whether they have been satisfied in

Ghana, and whether they could be satisfied in future (World Bank, 2006).

2.8.1.1 Political Conditions

There are a number of ways in which a ‘central’ commitment to regional balance can be expressed by a government or political elite. Populists’ nationalism can be replaced by embracing diversity and difference (Smith, 2000). Measures to reduce the marginality of the disadvantaged groups (which could be religious, ethnic or spatial) would tend to follow. The representation of poor regions in the elite in government and the degree to which elites are fractured (e.g. economic and political elites) bring opportunities for the underdeveloped regions to develop the regional case (Brisgten, 1980). Regional administrative capacity is essential – this also requires central commitment since poor regions cannot easily resource their own administrations. It may be appreciation of the political risks of increased or constant spatial inequality which underlies a commitment to balance development. In Ghana, this will mean looking over the shoulder of Cote d’Ivoire, from whose collapse Ghana is currently benefiting.

34

Ghana’s underdeveloped regions whether in the north or the west might become flashpoints for

broader conflicts. Unresolved conflicts in the north have escalated since 1980s - which may partly be a result of absence of a dynamic economy capable of absorbing and using the energies of the youth who usually are the heart of conflict (Brukum, 2001).

There is a debate about the relative merits of federal versus unitary political system in addressing spatial inequality. The orthodox position is that a unitary position is better in redistributing national resources among regions. There is however, evidence that federal/decentralized systems where there is some political autonomy for the poor regions to make their case, are more powerful than centralized system- the risk of secession in a federal/devolved system is enough to underpin redistribution (Shankar and Shah, 2003).

2.8.1.2 Economic Conditions

There are two camps among economists with divergence theorists (e.g. Krugman, 1991) taking their stands against proponents of convergence theorists (e.g. Williamson, 1965). Strong convergence theory suggest that equality in income levels will be achieved through market liberalization regardless of initial conditions, provided diffusion and adoption of technological change is unrestrained. A strong divergence hypothesis initial conditions (such as level of income and resource endowments) matter and that increasing returns to scale and externalities of investment lead to agglomeration of economies.

Immobility of factors of production is condition for divergence; mobility for convergence.

Krugman and Venables (1996) argue that lowering trade barriers to an intermediate level leads to greater inequality and reinforces the patterns, but that as integration proceeds, the process is

35 reversed as trade and transport costs become smaller. In Ghana, labour is very mobile (though not entirely- there are some constraints placed by its participation in home peasant agriculture) but capital relatively immobile because of institutional and infrastructural limitations and the concentration of the middle class in Greater Accra Region where there appear to be considerable economies and externalities and which is increasingly incorporated in the global economy. Land and other natural resources- very significant in the Ghanaian economy which has a high ratio of natural to human resources- are immobile.

There is growing body of evidence that liberalization and pattern of growth gives rise to increase inter-regional inequality in developing and transitional countries including Ghana. Divergence is likely to be caused by high barriers to internal mobility of factors of production. The government can design policy interventions to offset this tendency and among them are:

• Investment in inter-regional transport

• Removing barriers to factor mobility

• Decentralization/Federalism (World Bank, 2006).

2.8.1.3 Socio-Cultural Conditions

Dimensions of inequality often overlap, and people carry them where ever they go. Spatial inequality may be constituted by ethnic, class, and/or religious elements. People from a region may carry these identities with them where ever they go- and people from undeveloped regions are often migrants. Labels apply to them- ‘tribal’, ‘northerners’- and they will almost certainly develop patterns of learned behavior coping strategies which may reinforce and confirm inequality. Aspirations may be limited and strong, social norm may be widely supported; socially

36

deviant behavior may be accepted as a release; for example, drinks alcohol and drug abuse. If a

region is to develop dynamically; norms, values, attitudes may need to change (CPRC, 2004).

2.9 Theoretical Framework of Migration

Ghana is particularly a valuable place for the study of migration as it relates to other life cycle

processes. Ghana is not only at the forefront of demographic transition in Africa but also at the

forefront of urbanization. In recent years, the migration routes in Ghana have been supplemented

by increasing rural-urban migration, as cities in Ghana such as Accra and Kumasi; have become

magnets not for only traders, but also young migrants seeking work and educational

opportunities (Adepoju, 2003). The 2000 national population and housing census put Ghana’s

population at 18.9 million, a 54% increase in the previous census in 1984. Also urban population

increased to 44% in 2000 from the previous 32% in 1984 (GSS, 2002).

2.9.2 Historical Perspective of North-South Migration

The northern regions have historically constituted a belt of sparse population with some pockets

of population concentration. The largely sparse population is consequence of the regions

disadvantaged position with respect to natural resource availability. In addition, the pattern of

development which the country inherited from the colonial administration at the time of

independence and the subsequent development programmes which the post-colonial

administration embarked upon only further deepened the north’s comparatively disadvantaged

socio-economic position. While conscious efforts were made to develop the forest and coastal belt for the production of minerals, cash crops, timber for export, facilitated by the creation of transport links, ports and habours from the coast, the north was virtually left behind resulting in a spatial dichotomy with a relatively developed south and largely undeveloped north (Kwankye et

37 al., 2009). This pattern of development could have triggered the migration of economically active persons from the north to the south for jobs in agricultural and mining areas.

In the 1960s and early 1970s migration from the north largely involved male adults who moved to work in the cocoa growing areas, oil palm plantations, and mining companies in the south.

With time, however, these have been superseded by young person’s moving to the urban centres of Accra and Kumasi. Many of these young migrants are females’ adolescents with little or no education or employable skills, who have to resort to working as head porters- popularly called kayaye.

2.9.3 Migration in the Upper West Region

The inhabitants of present day Upper West Region were already quite mobile in pre-colonial times, but they migrated over shorter distances. They moved in search of fertile land and bountiful hunting grounds, and also to escape slave raiders (Lentz, 2006). Apart from the short distance migration, there was also some force migration flow of captured slaves who were sold to traders and sent to Ashanti, the Gold Coast and the Americas (Der, 1998). The British colonial masters came to North West to recruit labourers for the mines and for road construction in the south. The working conditions were generally poor and mortality rate was high, but the first group of labour migrants returned with possessions and stories that entice others to follow in their footsteps. Within the first decade of first recruitment campaigns, labour migration to the south has become a very common source of livelihood among young men in the area (Lentz,

2006). This study was buttressed by (Abdul-Korah, 2008) who stated that north-west people travelled down south from 1936 to 1957 for two reasons: first, ‘‘to see the world’’- a world that

38

was created for them by the colonial state in the south. Secondly; to satisfy their taste of

European consumer goods such as bicycles, hats, walking sticks, towels, blankets, etc.

In the first decade of the twentieth century, migration was almost exclusively an option for young adult men. However, during the second half of the twentieth century, there was a

progressive feminization of North-South migration flow (Abdul-Korah, 2006). Now, many

migrants are permanently settled in the south with their families’ whiles others migrate there to do contract farming for short period and present generation of professional teachers and health workers working in the south (Abdul-Korah, 2008).

2.10 Causes of North-South Migration

The decision to migrate in Ghana has often been a response to a combination of several factors, including economic, social, political and environmental factors such as poverty, landlessness and

economic dislocations. These factors are also often linked to factors such as trade, urbanization

and the growth of administrative sectors. Agriculture, land degradation and rural poverty also

induce migration. Many studies in Ghana have identified north-south migration to be the most

predominant of all movements within Ghana (Arthur, 1991). As this occurs, it has been observed that, migrants have generally moved from resource-poor to resource-rich areas, with a higher

tendency for movements from the northern parts of the country to the southern cities (Anarfi and

Kwankye, 2003). In addition, some authors explain the north-south pattern of migration to be

due to spatial inequalities in levels of development brought about by a combination of colonial and post-independence economic policies and environmental factors among others (Awumbila,

1997). There are other studies that highlight economic factors as main causes especially of internal migration in Ghana. Poverty and lack of employment opportunities have been stated as

39

main contributory factors for many young people moving from their rural communities to urban

centres (Kwankye, 2005). Findings of these research studies in Ghana have indicated that

traditionally, migration involved males who traveled over long distances as well as for short to

long periods to the agricultural and mining communities in the south (Songsore, 2003). Female

migration consisted of spouses joining their husbands or relatives to help socially and

economically (Boakye-Yiadom and Mckay, 2006).

These age long causes, though, still hold, tend to be static and do not recognize the dynamism

and complexities in migration and consider migrants especially child migrants as passive actors

in the migration literature (Hashim, 2004). Whitehead et al. (2007) suggest that ‘child migration

is frequently a negotiated decision in which both parents and children strive to meet their own

objectives’. Hence, besides, poverty, socio-cultural factors such as marriage may account for the

reason why a young girl from the north will migrate to acquire household items for use after

marriage. As s result of this females now form the majority in internal migrations from northern

Ghana to urban centres in the south. They mostly work as head porters or ‘kayaye’ in market

centres and lorry stations (Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schandorf, 2008). Many female migrants now move independently through networks of friends and relations. This means that contrary to earlier studies that identified women as migrating mostly to join partners therefore making them dependants, young females in the current migration flow tend not to be just dependants but autonomous migrants who have made their decision and move despite the fact that there may be no family member at the destination area (Whitehead et al., 2007).

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Also, some migration studies in Ghana have been done within the ‘Push-Pull’ theoretical framework as postulated by Ravenstein (1889) in his work, ‘Laws of Migration’. Ravenstein’s conclusions were that unfavourable conditions in one place ‘push’ people out and favourable conditions in an external location ‘pull’ them in and that the primary cause of migration is economic in nature, are still valid and have been observed in many studies conducted in Ghana as have been cited earlier. The theory of intervening obstacles by Lee (1966) also features in many Ghanaian migration research and findings that have indicated that the distance factor as proposed by Ravenstein (1889) as a determinant of migration could be overcome by factors such as a person’s education and knowledge of potential receiving population or family ties. Many people, especially rural dwellers, who had their manpower and natural resources depleted

(Mensah-Bonsu, 2003), and or witnessed high population growth (Twumasi-Ankrah, 1995) also saw migration to the urban areas as the only way out. In the sense that, poorer regions and environments saw the survival of their communities to be dependent on the extent to which they circulated their citizens between different environments in search of necessary resources for existence (Mensah-Bonsu, 2003). Accordingly, theoretical perspectives that inform much of this north-south as well as rural-urban migration movements in Ghana are of neo-classical equilibrium origin and other socio-economic conditions.

2.11 Effects of North-South Migration

A study of migration from the north showed that migration at any particular time takes around half of all working age males, and 15 per cent of working age females to southern Ghana for periods of at least a year (Cleveland, 1991). Similarly, Kunfaa (1999) argues that young people in urban and rural areas feel they have no choice but to leave home in search of work, since their remittances are likely to make a difference in their families. However, it is also worth noting that

41 for Ghana as a whole, as reported in the GLSS, 60 per cent of migrants reported marriage or other family reasons for their migration, with only 25 per cent reporting work reasons. This was partly because the GLSS includes as migrants not just household heads, but members of the family aged over 15 who moved with them, and also return migrants who might be less likely to move for employment reasons. If these two categories were excluded, only 40 per cent of in- migrant household heads were found to have moved for employment, with the majority citing other reasons. The impacts of migration on the poor, and on poor regions, are the subject of some dispute. Van Der Geest (2002) suggests that it may be the poorest groups in northern villages who benefit most from remittances, rather than the middle and ‘secure’ groups. A fairly optimistic picture is also painted by a recent analysis of GLSS data, which found a ‘migration premium’ in that migrants had statistically higher living standards than non-migrants, although this premium had declined by a half between surveys in 1991/92 and 1998/99 (Litchfield and

Waddington, 2003). It is difficult, however, in such analysis, to separate out cause and effect – in other words, it may simply be the less poor who are more able to migrate, rather than migration that makes people less poor. In contrast, Cleveland’s study of the Upper East region found that migration increased dependency ratios (the number of young and elderly dependent on each working age adult) in sending areas, and that remittances and improvements in land and labour productivity were insufficient to compensate for this increased dependency (Cleveland 1991).

Mensah-Bonsu (2003) found migrants sending home only US$5-15 a year in remittances, making little impact on rural livelihoods.

Over the last decade, academic and media attention on internal migration of the poor in Ghana has tended to move away from north-south migration in general to more specific issues, such as

42 the link between migration and HIV/AIDS, and an apparently growing number of women and especially child migrants who may be victims of trafficking and/or other exploitative practices.

The proliferation of HIV/AIDS is said to be linked to the movement of women from rural to urban areas where they do not earn enough to live, and where they are therefore exposed to prostitution, rape, and/or promiscuity (Anarfi, 1993). Having contracted HIV, they are then said to return to their villages where they infect men with whom they come into contact. There is also concern about trafficking, such as of children sold by their parents to fishermen on Lake Volta, or adolescent girls working as head porters (‘kayayee’) at lorry stations and markets in Accra and

Kumasi. Examples have also been cited of children being handed over to women by parents on the understanding that they will be sent to school, given training, or taken care of within a household, but instead the children are put into paid work and no money is given to the child or the parent. The majority of trafficked children are believed to be from the Northern regions, the

Eastern part of Greater Accra, and from the peripheral and urban slum areas around Accra.

Sekondi-Takoradi, the capital of the Western region, is also said to be a major recruiting centre for trafficked children (ILO, 2001: 37).

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CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

This chapter gave a detailed explanation of the research methodology of the study. It was

presented under: research design, sample and sampling techniques, sources of data, data collection instruments, reconnaissance visit and pre-test, data analysis and presentation and and

profile of the study area.

3.2 Research Design

The study was both a survey of Households in selected communities within each of the

town/area councils and UC members and a census of elected Assembly Members in Jirapa

district. The questionnaires were administered by a team of four (4) young graduates conversant with the area and fluent in the language of the people (Dagaare). However, the interview of the

Households introduced male and age bias to the research because Household Heads are often male even though the wives and sometimes children were often around during interviews and sometimes contributed to the discussion but the result may have been different talking to each group separately. The questions in the interview guide were both close-ended and open-ended in order to allow respondents to express themselves in cases where close-ended items are unable to meet their concerns.

44

3.3 Instruments of the Study

The main instrument for the collection of the primary data for the study was the interview guide.

The interview guide had both close-ended and open-ended questions. The combinations of these types of questions provided the respondents the opportunity to adequately express their opinions in the open-ended questions. The items in the interview guide included background information of the respondents on the following: educational level, occupation, age, and sex. It also covered the study objectives: the development challenges in the North that may cause out-migration, the challenges faced by local government authorities in carrying out their mandate, effects of out- migration, and finally, how local government system can address the North-South migration.

These areas were looked at using multiple choice questions, open questions, and the Likert’s scale to facilitate easy response to the questions.

3.4 Study Population

Jirapa district is divided into eight town/area councils with fifty-four Assembly members and

195 UC Members. The population of the district as at 2010 is 87,525 (GSS, 2010). As a result of this high population, the researcher considered sampling some portion of the population to work with so that it will be representative enough for the researcher to generalize the findings for the entire population.

3.5 Sample and Sampling Technique

Jirapa district is made up of eight (8) town/area councils with a total of thirty-nine elected

Assembly Members. As a result of inadequate resources and time limit within which the research should be submitted, samples from the population were taken for study and the outcome use to generalize for the entire population. Also, the researcher interviewed all elected Assembly members in the district. Further, 30% of the members of the UCs in each of the town/area

45

councils were considered. The researcher further considered 20% of sampled households from the 10% sampled communities in each of the town/area councils. This was to comparatively make the findings of the study more representative, comprehensive and holistic.

For the purpose of an in-depth study of the sampled communities, 10% of 42, 13, 34, 29, 23, 28,

35, 32 representing Jirapa, Ullo, Tugo, Tizza, Duori, Hain, Sabuli and Gbare town/area councils

respectively were randomly selected. Further, 10% of each of the sampled communities was

randomly selected. 20% each of the total households in each community was conveniently selected taken into account the dispersed sections in each of the communities. The sample and sampling techniques is presented in the table (3.1) below.

Table 3.1 Sampling Structure

Town/Area Assembly 30%Unit No. of 10% Sampled No. of 20% Councils Members Committe Commu Communities Househo Sampled e nities lds Households Members

Jirapa 6 9 42 Veveri 26 5

B-Section 70 14

Residential 21 4

Konkuo 118 24

Ullo 4 6 13 Nabiri 20 4

Tugo 3 5 34 Doggo 74 15

Kandour 63 7

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Gbetuor 41 8

Tizza 7 11 29 Bachoglo 40 8

Sigri 53 11

Kaari 38 8

Duori 5 8 23 Duori-guo 45 9

Duori-Degri 20 4

Hain 5 8 28 Nindo Waala 50 10

Chapuri 54 11

Lang-Ullo 47 9

Sabuli 5 8 35 Sobariyiri 28 7

Mwankuri 53 11

Sabuli 89 18

Somboro 30 6

Gbare 4 6 32 Kuncheni 27 5

Kampaala 59 12

Saawie 46 9

Total 39 61 236 1112 219

Source: Author’s own construction

In all, a total of three hundred and nineteen (319) respondents were interviewed made up of

thirty-nine (39) elected Assembly members, Sixty-One (61) UC members, and two hundred and nineteen (219) Households.

47

3.6 Reconnaissance Visit and Pre-Test

The researcher is a public servant in the district and therefore has some fair idea about the terrain

in the area. In other to avoid biases, four (4) field staff were trained to administer the

questionnaire. The training was done on the data collection instruments as well as ethics of

research bearing in mind that majority of household heads are illiterates. The training also focused on the effective translation of the questionnaire into the local language (Dagara). The data collection was pre-tested and errors detected were corrected before the actual exercise was done.

3.7 Data Collection and Sources

The data of the study was obtained from primary and secondary data sources. The primary data was obtained using interview guide whiles secondary information was obtained from journals, books, internets, articles, etc.

3.8 Data Analysis and Presentation

The data was systematically analyzed and interpreted using a Statistical tool (MICROSOFT

EXCEL) and results presented in tables, bar charts, pie charts, percentages and frequencies depicting the outcome of the study.

3.10 Profile of the Study Area

Jirapa district is located in the central part of Upper West region of Ghana. It lies approximately between latitude 10.25° and 11.00° North and longitude 20.25° and 20.40° West. It is the seventh largest district in the region and covers a total land area of 1,667.6 sq. km. it therefore constitute about 9% of the regions land area which is 18,476 sq. km. it extends from Ul-Tampoe in the

North to Dapouri in the South. The district was created from the former Jirapa-Lambussie district

48

in the Upper West Region of Ghana by L. I. 1902 of 2007 as part of Ghana’s decentralization programme. It is bordered to the South by the Nadowli District, to the North by the Lambussie-

Karni district, to the West by Lawra District, and to the East by Sissala West District.

49

50

CHAPTER FOUR

PRESENTATION OF RESULTS, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

4.1 Introduction

This chapter dealt with the presentation, analysis and discussion of findings from the field.

Overall, the analysis and discussion of the findings covered cover two (2) broad categories of respondents involved in the study. These were 219 Households and 100 Local government representatives (39 Assembly members and 61 UC members). Data analyzed was presented in tables and figures and summarized in narrative forms.

Table 4.1 Background Characteristics of Respondents

Sex Frequency Percentage

Male 258 80.9

Female 61 19.1

Total 319 100

Source: field survey, June 2010

A total of 319 respondents made up of 39 elected Assembly members, 61 UC members, and 219

Households. In all, total male respondents were 258 representing 80.9% whilst female

respondents were 61 representing 19.1%. The male respondents dominated because of the target

population; Households are mostly male dominated and also the study found that females were

not properly represented in the local governance system in the district.

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Table 4.2 Age Distribution of Respondents

Age Distribution (Years) Frequency Percentage

18-19 14 4.4

20-29 19 5.9

30-39 44 13.8

40-49 59 18.5

50-59 93 29.2

60-69 65 20.4

70 and above 25 7.8

Total 319 100

Source: field survey, June 2011

In analyzing the age distribution of respondents; 4.4% of the respondents were aged between 18 and 19 years, 5.9% aged between 20 and 29, 13.8% of them aged between 30 and 39. It further indicated that 18.5% of the respondents were aged between 40 and 49 whiles 29.2% of the respondents aged between 50 and 59, and also 20.4% aged between 60 and 69 and finally 7.8% aged 70 and above. See the table above. The analysis above indicate that majority of the respondents (75.9%) are 40 and above. This is because the target population was mostly

Households, UCs and Assembly members and these groups would not definitely be young introducing some bias in favour of the aged.

52

Table 4.3 Educational Background of Respondents

Level of Education Frequency Percentage

None 165 51.7

Primary/JHS/Middle School 58 18.2

SSS/Vocational/Technical 42 13.1

Training College/Polytechnic 34 10.7

University 20 6.3

Total 319 100

Source: field survey, June 2011

In terms of education, more than half of the respondents (51.7%) did not have any form of education and the rest of the respondents (48.3%) have some level of education ranging from

primary to university education. See table 4.3 above. It is worth noting that the local government

representatives that were interviewed had some form of education whiles Household heads

largely lacked formal education and they were the majority of the respondents. This accounts for

the educational analysis given above.

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4.2 Causes of North-South Migration

Fig. 4.1 Monthly Income against Occupation of Respondents

Source: field survey, June 2011

54

Majority of the respondents were in the informal sector (77.7%) and farmers alone constitute

57.1% of the total respondents with an average monthly income of GHC 87. The informal sector

according to the survey is often characterized by low incomes ranging from GHC 140.1 being

the monthly average income of traders to GHC 13.5 being an average monthly income for Pito

brewers in the district. The formal sector workers mostly made of assembly members and some

few unit committee members earn relatively higher incomes of about GHC 377.8 as shown in

Fig.4.1 above. The north remains dependent on low income food crop farming than the rest of

the country with more than 70% of households engaged in agriculture as their main economic

activity (Kees Van Der Geest, 2002). The predominance of low return, chiefly rain fed food crop

farming is the main explanation for low growth and persistent low incomes with farming limited

to relatively shorter rainy season. The share of household incomes in the north deriving from

wages and nonfarm activities is significantly lower than the national average, with less than 20%

having any income from nonfarm activities and less than 5% having any wage income (CEPA,

2005).

Table 4.4 Have you ever migrated Down-South

Response Frequency Percentage

Yes 293 91.8

No 26 8.2

Total 319 100

Source: field survey, June 2011

55

The assessment of respondents who have ever migrated Down-South indicated that 293

respondents representing 91.8% have ever migrated Down-South whiles 8.2% have never

migrated. This is nearly the same as 91.2% migrants among household in Nandom of the Upper

West Region (Kees Van Der Geest, 2010). There was at least a migrant in every Household

interviewed and the current pattern of migration of females that show the seriousness of the

canker.

Figure 4.2 Reasons for Migrating Down-South

Source: field survey, June 2011

Out of the 293 respondents who have migrated down-south, 3.1% of the respondents cited education as the reason for migrating, 35.2% cited food security as a reason for migrating; 3.4%

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said they wanted to buy cooking utensils, 4.8% respondents cited poverty, 11.9% indicated that they were looking for jobs, 0.7% respondents mentioned recreation, 10.9% mentioned curiosity/visit as their main drive for migrating, whiles 3.1% respondents indicated lack of social amenities, 4.4% stated lack of infrastructure, 14.7% of them cited farming as the main driver to the south; 0.3% of the respondents stated expulsion while 2.4% were for public service. See fig.

4.2 above. It is gratifying to note that the incidence of poverty reduced everywhere in Ghana in the 1990s but increased in Northern and Upper East Regions and slightly reduced in the Upper

West Regions (Coulombe and Mckay, 2004). Poor roads and transport system between northern and southern Ghana and between northern Ghana and neighbouring countries such as Burkina

Faso, Ivory Coat and Togo discourage inter regional trade and capital mobility. The North is also faced with substantial communication gap and weak access to information. For example, subscription to Ghana Telecom fixed lines is lowest in northern regions with Northern, Upper

East, and Upper West Regions boasting respectively of only 1.9%, 1.4% and 0.7% of total national subscribers (ISSER, 2004). The northern parts of Ghana have been plagued by recurrent intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic conflicts. These conflicts have multiple causes: land, chieftaincy, and sometimes religion aggravated by local or national politics. These have often led to loss of lives and property. Violent conflicts are major sources of insecurity and also discouraged investments in the north providing a major boost for the northern youth to migrate Down-South.

Table 4.5 Reasons for not Migrating Down-South

Reasons Frequency Percentage

Do not see the need 4 15.4

57

Tight work schedule 6 23.1

No opportunity 3 11.5

Attending school 9 34.6

Head of family/clan 2 7.7

No difference between north and south 2 7.7

26 100 Total

Source: field survey June 2011.

Of the 26 people who have never migrated, 4 representing 15.4% did not see the need for

travelling down-south, 6 of them representing 23.1% cited tight work schedule whiles 3

respondents representing 11.5% said they did not have opportunity and 9 respondents

representing 34.6% cited schooling as the reason that did not allow them to migrate. 2 each of

the respondents said they did not move down-south because they are head of families and no

difference between north and south. See table 4.7 above for details.

Table 4.6 Given the Opportunity, Will you travel Down-South

Response Frequency Percentage

Yes 11 42.3

No 15 57.7

Total 26 100

Source field survey, June 2011

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Of the 26 respondents who have never migrated, 11 of them representing 42.3% accepted to

travel down-south when given the opportunity. When they were asked why they will migrate

they stated jobs and also to experience city life. Also, 15 of the respondents representing 57.7%

will not want to go even when the opportunity is given them and the reasons they gave were:

head of families or clans, tight work schedule, and some indicated that they enjoy staying in their

localities. See table 4.8 above. The issue of jobs and recreation has become central cause of

migration as shown in the results above. Those people who do not show interest in migrating are

either heads of families or those working.

Table 4.7 Do You Consider the Southern Part of Ghana Better than the North in Terms of

Development

Response Frequency Percentage

Yes 278 87.1

No 41 12.9

Total 319 100

Source: field survey, June 2011

An analysis of the perception of the respondents on the development difference between the

north and the south showed that a greater percentage (87.1) saw the north to be backward in

terms of development. They cited good infrastructure, higher standard of living, good road

networks and abundant health facilities. However, a relatively small number of the respondents

(12.9%) did not see the south to be better in terms of development than the north. They gave

reasons such as security availability, availability of land to farm and existence of free

59 accommodation. It is obvious that there is wider development gap between the North and South and these are mostly attributed to the geographical location of the North (low rainfall and poor soil conditions of the area), the pre-colonial neglect (Kunadu Agyeman, 2000) and post- colonial failure by successive governments (World Bank, 2006).

Figure 4.3 Features of the North Not Found in the South

Source: field survey, June 2011

The analysis of the special features in the north that may not be found down-south produced interesting outcomes as majority of the respondents (32.6%) indicated low cost of living in the

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north whiles free and available accommodation also scored high (24.5%). Also, security

availability (17.6%); close ties with family (10.7%); free traffic (9.1%); and low cost of

education (5.5%) featured in the survey as seen in fig. 4.3 above. The communities are largely

homogenous and so accommodation and security do not become a serious problem since the

people know each other so well and have local structures in place to deal with social miscreants.

The post-colonial free education system in the North by successive governments has elevated the

North in education over the years.

Table 4.8 The Development Gap Between the North and the South can be Closed

Responses Frequency Percentage

Strongly disagree 36 11.3

42 Disagree 13.2

Not sure 19 5.9

93 Agree 29.2

Strongly agree 129 40.4

319 Total 100

Source: field survey, June 2011

Of the 319 respondents, 222 representing 69.6% generally accept that the development gap

between the north and the south can be closed whiles 78 of the respondents representing 24.5%

disagree that the North-South development gap can be closed. However, a marginal number of

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respondents 19 representing 5.9% were not sure whether the gap between the north and the south

can be closed. See the details in table 4.8 above. Before the gap is closed there is the need to examine the political, economic and socio-cultural features of the North. The political decisions are necessary to bring development from the central government to the area and involving the people in the decision-making by way of appointments to key sectors of the economy. Economic decisions may involve investing in job creation and inter district and regional transport and removing barriers to factor mobility (World Bank, 2006). Also, there is the need to tackle the socio-cultural factors such as land and chieftaincy conflicts, alcoholism, drug abuse and early marriage that are normally found in the North and contribute significantly to retarding development in the area (Chronic Poverty Research Centre, 2004).

4.3 Effects of Out-Migration

Figure 4.4 Positive Effects of Out-Migration

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Source: field survey, June 2011

An assessment of positive impact of out-migration indicated that 15% of the respondents got education from it, 6.5% stated that they were able to meet their daily cash requirements, 28.3% of the respondents stated that their curiosity was satisfied, 14.3% said they bought bicycles,

26.3% said they secured jobs, 5.8% said they brought some food home, and 3.1% stated they were able to roof their houses with zinc because of their migration Down-South as indicated in fig. 4.4 above. It is essentially important to note that some young women who migrate are being

sent across family links to support adult women who have gone to the South with their husbands

and do not have enough domestic labour. Young men and women now migrate on their own

because they no longer wish to be wives or have wives that are mainly bearers of children,

farmers and pito brewers. Diversification into nonfarm incomes has become a desired goal to

young people. This has probably lead to girls getting married a little later and a strong desire for

women to demonstrate their capacity for nonfarm activity- ideally some kind of business or skills

such as seem-stressing and hairdressing. This crystallized in the requirement that girls should

bring some kind of trousseau to marriage- (they use to go with nothing to their husbands). There

is evident that some northern migrants have attained some form of education down-south

especially the girls who attained some vocational education though skills normally have little

markets in their home communities (CEPA, 2005). Kees Van Der Geest (2010) in a research has

identified some important benefits of out-migration as: provision of food for the family, pay

hospital bills of family members, investing in simple farm tools, provide daily cash needs and

invest in nonfarm activities.

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Figure 4.5 Negative Effects of Out-Migration

Source: field survey, June 2011

An analysis of the negative effects of migration indicated that 3.8% stated loss of cultural values,

47.1% stated school dropout, 2.4% stated rape cases, 14.3% stated lack of accommodation,

12.6% stated poor family planning, 16.7% stated lack of meaningful jobs, and 3.1% stated health

64 concerns like HIV/AIDS from fig. 4.5 above. Migration in Ghana as a whole has been a substantial means of achieving poverty reduction. However, the North has benefitted from this to a much lesser extent than other parts of the country. This is because the level of remittances has been relatively low as migrants have largely worked in the low wage rural labour market. Only the more educated migrants’ worked in the higher wage urban labour market and in regular salaried jobs. Migrant miners have found their opportunities of gaining a foothold in the local non-mining economy very restricted and were mainly confined to the underground labour, limited possibilities of promotion; while surface jobs, administrative or skilled manual jobs were reserved for southerners. Because of these divisions, northerners were also frequently excluded from subsidized food and accommodation and therefore unable to establish permanent residence and commitment to wage labour (CEPA, 2005). Migrants are often exposed to wide range of situations including: HIV/AIDS, rape, prostitution; some migrants come home empty-handed, high school dropout, loss of identity, some becoming alcoholics, and shortage of labour at the home communities (Kees Van Der Geest, 2010).

Figure 4.6 Contributions of Migrants to Community Development

65

Source: field survey, June 2011

An analysis of the effects of returned migrants revealed that respondents generally disagreed

(59.6%) that returned migrants contribute to development in the area, 4.1% of the respondents

were not sure whiles 36.4% of the respondents indicated that the returned migrants contribute to

development in the area as in fig. 4.6 above. Many respondents held negatives perceptions about

returned migrants and revealed some issues about them that they perceived to be detrimental to

the research area: alcoholism, health implications, teenage pregnancy and lack of parental

control.

Table 4. 9 Will you Encourage Out-Migration among the People in Your Community?

Respondents Frequency Percentage

Yes 127 39.8

No 192 60.2

Total 319 100

Source: field survey, June 2011

When the respondents were asked if they will encourage their people to migrate down-south,

majority of them said no (60.2%) and the reason they gave were that people expose themselves

to wide range of diseases like HIV/AIDS and some of the women are raped and further some of

the people come with little or no money. Also, 39.8% of the respondents insist they will

encourage their people to migrate and when they were asked for the reason they cited poverty

and lack of jobs for the youth especially during the dry season.

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4.4 Challenges of Local Government System in Ghana

Table 4.10 Do you have Specific Mandate as a Local Government Representative

Response Frequency

Yes 98

No 2

Total 100

Source: field survey, June 2011

Majority of the local government representatives (98%) believe that they have specific role to

play as heads of decentralized units while 2% think they do not have specific mandate. See table

4.10 above. The respondents largely thought that they are elected to represent the people at the

Assembly and also promote local participation in the decision making process. Many of the local

government representatives see the welfare of the people as their main drive in participating in

local governance.

67

Figure 4.7 Mandates of Local Government Representatives

Source: field survey, June 2011

Welfare issues dominated (63%) the responses of local government representatives in the district. 12% of respondents indicated that they organize meetings to discuss development issues in the area. 48% stated they organize communal labour for self-help projects in their communities whiles 5% indicated that they do public health education. They largely do not have

in mind the major activity plan that will aim at arresting the Rural-Urban migration- the main

aim of decentralization. They lack the requisite skills to give meaning to the decentralization

system and this may have accounted for the central control of the local government system over

the years.

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Table 4.11 Are You Aware of LI 1726 (2003) that Clearly Set Out the Role of the Local

Government Unit?

Response Frequency

Yes 26

No 74

Total 100

Source: field survey, June 2011

Of the 100 local government representatives interviewed, only 26% were aware of the LI 1726

(2003) that clearly set out the role of the local government representatives whiles 74% of the

respondents were not aware of it as in table 4.11 above. When respondents were further asked

how they intend to acquire such information, they stated that they will acquire it from either the

Town/Area councils or the DAs. The quality in the local government system in the study area

was not the best and their unawareness of the LI 1726 (2003) was not a surprise. The question

now is what they have been doing over the years; what are their roles and limitations as far as

local governance is concerned.

69

Figure 4.8 Logistics Required by Local Government System

Source: field survey, June 2011

As to the kind of logistics they needed to undertake their work, 29% of the responses were the

public address system, 13% sound systems, 7% sports equipment, 12% requested for quarterly

imprest, 54% asked for the provision of stationery, 3% asked for regular training of UC

members, and 25% asked for allowances for UC meetings. See fig. 4.8 above. The respondents mentioned very important areas in terms of logistical requirement but what was obviously lacking in the response was an office space for UCs where most of their logistics could be kept when given. Both Assembly members and UC members operate at the town/area councils or

DAs which are mostly located a distance away from the District Assemblies.

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Figure 4.9 Challenges of Local Government System

Source: field survey, June 2011

When respondents were asked to state their challenges with respect to local governance, 87% of the responses stated logistics problem, 23% mentioned lack consultation in citing of projects,

15% stated they do not have the power to decide where to spend DACF, 51% indicated the difficulty in revenue mobilization and 8% mentioned that the decentralized departments are not cooperating with the local government representatives and finally 33% stated lack of communication between the assembly and UC. See fig. 4.9 above. African countries since the early 1980s have expended much rhetoric and in some cases, substantial resources on political and administrative decentralization. These reforms involve significant changes in planning, budgeting, personnel, and expenditure and service functions. They range from very substantial efforts, as post- 1985 Uganda, Botswana and Nigeria in the early 1990s to a more limited effort as in Ghana, Kenya, and Tanzania (Olowu, 2001). While political leaders may at times be

71

serious in their commitment to decentralize and enable local governance to emerge, many

obstacles are found (Smith, 1996). The most powerful of these seem to be growing from the

persistence of actors at the centre in trying to retain authority and resources (Olowu, 1990).

Local government systems are often given the opportunity to plan the development priorities of

the communities with the grass root and these plans are factored in the regional plans and further

to the national development plans. However, the reality is that the local plans are always for

naught and there is a top-down process through which national ministries select their priorities

and determine what should be done in the localities. Those priorities grow from doctrines,

convenience, personal and political interest at the centre. The national/local 'planning game' can

be seen as recentralization in the sense that the centre retains its historic control over resources

flowing through the periphery (Wunsch, 2001b).

4.5 Role of Local Government System in Addressing North-South Migration

.

Table 4.12 Do you Consider Out-Migration a Problem in your Area?

Response Frequency

Yes 84

No 16

Total 100

Source: field survey, June 2011

Of the 100 local government representatives, 84% saw out- migration to be a problem in their

areas whiles 16% did not see it to be a problem. Every year, there is a movement of young men

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and women Down-South to work as seasonal labourers and some of these young people

eventually remain there and is likely to erode their potential and majority of the migrants become school dropouts. They are also exposed to a wide range vices: alcoholism and drug abuse and some of the women suffer early child birth and diseases as a result of rape or prostitution.

Table 4.13 Policies/Programmes/Projects by Local Government Authorities to Avert the

Situation.

Policies/Programmes/Projects Percentage

Advice to parents to send children to school 43

Talks to parents about the effects of child labour 13

Public education on dangers of out-migration 8

Lobby the DA to offer youth employment opportunities to the youth 54

Source: field survey, June 2011

When local government representatives were asked about the policies/programmes/projects they have put in place to avert the out-migration from their areas, 43% of the respondents said they advice parents to send children to school, 13% indicated that they talk to parents on the effects of child labour, 8% stated public education on the effects of out-migration whiles 54% stated that they lobby the DA to provide employment opportunities to the youth in the area. See table 4.14 above. It is revealing to note that majority of the responses centred on education and that is very good and could help minimize the canker. However, making the communities more attractive to the youth by way of job creation as mentioned above will be beneficial. Infrastructural development and provision of entertainment facilities could be helpful in salvaging the situation.

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Figure 4.10 Role of UCs in Minimising Out-Migration

Source: field survey, June 2011

When the representatives were asked what they can do to minimize out-migration in their areas,

94% of the responses were sensitization of parents/children on the dangers of out-migration whiles 78% of the responses centered on promotion of youth in agricultural project. Also, 13% indicating sports promotion, 35% stated the promotion of entertainment facilities, whiles 41% of the responses talked about engagement of pupil in extra classes after school and 12% of the responses indicated that they will liaise with the assembly and NGOs to bring development projects in their areas. See fig. 4.10 above. The local government system in Ghana can learn from Kenya’s experience where local government system is beginning to function fairly

74 effectively. Local government representatives in Kenya are well motivated and resourced and are responsible for providing several key utilities on a fee basis: water and electricity in particular.

Also, the local governments do provide the services to such entities as hospitals, schools, police barracks and stations, agricultural extension services, sporting activities, and the like. They work directly with the people to determine their needs and development challenges and fashion out policies to address those concerns (Wunsch, 2001).

Table 4.14 Role of the District Assembly in Minimising Out-Migration

Role of DA in minimising out-migration Percentage

Construction of class room blocks for the schools in the communities 58

Construction of libraries 11

Provision of reliable and portable drinking water all year round 71

Supply of electricity to all towns and villages in the area 74

Provision of teachers quarters 26

Posting of qualified teachers 53

Provide health centres in all communities 12

Road network between the communities and market centres 5

Provision of real subsidy for agricultural inputs like fertilizer and pesticides 1

Provision of descent houses for workers in the area 1

Providing storage facilities for the agricultural commodities 2

Providing market for farm produce. 5

Provision of community centres 11

Source: field survey, June 2011

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Local government representatives were asked what the DA can do in minimizing the out- migration from the area and supply of electricity to all towns and villages scored the highest of

74% and this was closely followed by supply of reliable portable water (71%). Provision of class room blocks for the schools also scored 58% whiles supply of teachers scored 53%. However, provision of agricultural inputs like fertilizer and provision of descent houses for workers scored lower of 1% each. There could be several responses to regional and district inequalities and this could focus on several dimensions of development: reducing the vulnerability of remote and disadvantaged regions, their access to quality health and education services to build human capital and providing infrastructure and institutions to access or develop markets (World Bank,

2006).

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CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Introduction

This chapter gives an account of the summary of the study, the conclusions arrived at and

recommendations in line with the tenets of the study.

5.2 Summary of Major Findings

The development gap that exists between Northern and Southern Ghana predate independence;

creating a net-migration of the youth to the South for menial jobs. The study attempts to

determine the role that local government system can play in curbing the North-South migration in Ghana; the challenges of the North that cause out-migration; effects of North-South migration, challenges of the local government system in Ghana.

A survey of 219 Households and 61 UC members selected from each of the eight (8) town/area councils in Jirapa District; and a census of the 39 elected Assembly members making a grand sample of 319 respondents.

5.2.1 Causes of North-South Migration

The results indicate that the people are largely in the informal sector (77.7%) an average monthly incomes range from GHC 38.00 per month to GHC 140.1. Farmers who constitute 57% of the respondents have an average income of GHC 87.00 per month. The research showed that 91.8% of household heads have ever migrated Down-South and the reasons stated for migrating were; to seek formal/technical education, food security, poverty, jobs, recreation, curiosity, social amenities, infrastructure, farming, expulsion and violent conflict.

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5.2.2 Effects of North-South Migration

The positive effects of migration by the respondents were: attained education, daily cash

requirement, satisfied curiosity, bought bicycles, brought some food home, and roofed house

with zinc. Also, the negative effects as mentioned by the respondents were: loss of cultural values, school dropout, rape, lack of accommodation, poor family planning, lack of meaningful jobs, and health implications. Respondents generally maintained that returned migrants do not contribute much to development in the area (59%).

5.2.3 Challenges of the Local Government System

The study further looked at the core mandate of the local government representatives and the responses showed that they are involved in the welfare of the people, organize communal labour for self-help projects, public health education, and organized meetings to discuss the development needs of the people. The logistics that the local representatives need to undertake their works according to the study are: public address systems, sound systems, sports equipment, quarterly imprest, and stationary; regular training of the UC members and provision of allowances for the UC meetings. They generally admit not doing enough and cited challenges such as; lack of logistics, lack of discretion in the disbursement of the DACF, unwillingness of citizens to participate in the local governance, difficulty in revenue mobilization, decentralized departments not cooperating and lack of effective communication between the DA and UCs; as the cause.

78

5.2.4 Role of the Local Government System in addressing North-South Migration

Respondents cited the following as ways they can help to minimize out-migration: prioritize education in their areas, talks to parents about the effects of child labour, public education on dangers of migration and lobby DA to provide employment opportunities to the youth. They also believe Das can do a lot in order to stop the menace by providing portable drinking water, electricity, health centres, good road networks and school infrastructure.

5.3 Conclusions

From the findings of the study, conclusions can be drawn as follows:

From the study, it is worth concluding that migration has become part and parcel of the people of the North and this can be linked to the very strong economic growth in the South and growing poverty levels in the North. This may be as a result of both central and local government inability to fashion out policies to deal with this problem.

The major cities in Ghana (Accra and Kumasi) are the major destination of northern migrants and if care is not taken, these cities may be overstretched and no meaningful development can take place in those areas. Proper and efficient local government system can help salvage the situaton if given the requisite discretionary powers and resources will promote development across all regions and districts. It must also be put on record that the north is bound with a lot of resources and if well harnessed and given special attention by the central and local government and civil society organizations, the long existing gap that exists between north and south can be closed. The overall effect will be that all regions and districts will harness and utilize their resources for national development.

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5.4 Recommendations

Based on the findings, the following recommendations are drawn. While these will be relevant to

the central government, it will particularly be more important to the Local Government System

and all development partners.

5.4.1 Promote Popular Participation in Local Governance

In other to curb the north-south migration, DAs and UCs should be seen playing major roles in providing the basic needs of the people especially the youth. Those needs should be provided based on needs assessment conducted through the participation of the community members. DAs should be well resourced to provide regular training to its members and the UCs.

5.4.2 Provide Reward Packages for Rural Service

Without the presents and contributions of young, educated, and versatile young people, rural development efforts will be abortive. To find an effective solution to this problem, policy makers should focus on why those people leave for the cities in the first place. A differential reward system that emphasizes rural service would be a positive departure from the present approach that tends to penalize rural leaving. Higher salaries and pecuniary benefits, quicker promotion, easier access to bank loans with liberal terms of payment, lower income tax rate, better housing, rural electrification, and good water supply are some the possible inducements that can help build a higher quality rural work force that can contribute significantly in curbing the North-

South migration.

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5.4.3 Promote Agricultural Export in the North

The Rice, Shea nut and Cotton industries in the north should be resuscitated as possible sources

of employment and income generation for the youth of the area. If these are given the necessary

attention by the government, they will become a more lucrative source of income for the youth

and that will eventually prevent them from out-migration. These crops when given more

scientific production, storage and better marketing would provide better prices and potentially, a

more sustainable source of income.

5.4.4 Initiate a National Policy on Migration

A national debate should be initiated on migration particularly from the northern to southern

Ghana as basis for formulating policies and programmes to mitigate the risk associated with it,

while increasing its benefits. This could be achieved when as a nation we place the phenomenon of North-South migration as a priority area in our national human development agenda, bearing in mind that the North lags behind in most development indicators- food security, education, health, water and sanitation, peace and security.

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APPENDICES

Appendix A: Interview Guide

Introduction:

This questionnaire shall be administered as part of a study on the research topic: ‘‘ROLE OF

LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN CURBING NORTH-SOUTH MIGRATION IN GHANA. A

STUDY IN JIRAPA DISTRICT. The research is purposely for academic work and the

information given shall be treated with confidentiality.

Please respond appropriately to the questions below:

Section A: Background Characteristics of Respondents

1. Sex {1}male {2}female

2. What is your age in years?

{1}below 16 years {2}16-19 {3}20-29

{4}30-39 {5}40-49 {6}50-59

{7}60 years and above

3. What is your level of education?

{1}none {2}primary {3}JSS/Middle

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{4}SSS/Vocational/Technical {5}college

{6}polytechnic {7}university

Section B: This Section Seeks to Examine the Development Challenges in the north that

Cause Out-Migration

4. What do you do for living?

{1}farming {2}fishing {3}trading

{4}sewing/weaving/hair dressing {5}wage labour {6}pito brewing

{7}teaching/public servant {6}other (specify)………….

5. How much is your average monthly income?......

6. Have you ever migrated down-south?

{1}yes {2}No

7. If the answer to Q6 above is yes, what was your reason for migrating?

{1}education {2}poverty {3}job {4}recreation

{5}curiosity {6}lack of social amenities {7}lack of infrastructure

{8}farming {9} formal work {10}expulsion

{11}other (specify)………………………………

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8. If you have never migrated down-south, what keeps you from doing so

{1}no opportunity to travel {2}do not see the need {3}tight works schedule

{4}schooling {5}head of family/clan {6}everything at your disposal

{7}other (specify) ……… ………………………………………………..

9. given, the opportunity, will you travel down-south

{1}yes {2}No

10. what is your reason for the answer in Q9 above …………………………...... ….

…………………………………………………………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………..

11. do you consider the southern part of Ghana better than the North

{1}yes {2}No

12. what is your reason for the answer in Q11 above …………………………...... ….

…………………………………………………………………………………

13. what will you consider special about your locality that is not in the south

{1}free and readily available accommodation {2}low cost of leaving

{3}security {4}free traffic {5}other (specify)……………………

14. the development gap between the north and the south can be closed

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{1} strongly disagree {2}disagree {3}not sure

{4}agree {5}strongly agree

15. what reason will you give to your answer ……………………………………….

……………………………………………………………………………………………..

………………………………………………………………………………………………

Section C: Effects of Out-Migration for the Socio-Economic Development of the North

16. In which way(s) has out-migration affected you positively?

{1}attained education {2}daily cash requirement

{3}satisfied curiosity {4}bought a bicycle

{5}brought some food home {6}roofed house with zinc

{7}secured jobs {8} other (specify)…………

17. In which way(s) has out-migration affected you negatively?

{1}loss of cultural values {2}school dropout {3}rape

{4}lack of accommodation {5}poor family planning

{6}lack of meaningful jobs {7}health implications (HIV/AIDS)

{8}other (specify)……………………..

18. Returned migrants contribute significantly to community development

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{1}strongly disagree {2}disagree {3}not sure

{4}agree {5}strongly agree

19. Will you encourage out-migration among the people in your community?

{1}yes {2}No

20. Explain your answer in question in Q21 above ………………………………

…………………………………………………………………………………….

Section D: challenges of the Local Government System in Ghana

21. Do you have specific mandate as a local government representative

{1}yes {2}No

22. What is your mandate as a local government representative…………………..

……………………………………………………………………………..

………………………………………………………………………………

23. Are you aware of LI 1726 (2003) that clearly set out the role of the local

government unit in your area?

{1}yes {2}no

24. If the answer to Q23 above is no, how do you intend to acquire such information

………………………………………………………………………………………

25.what kind of logistics do you need to undertake your work……………………

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……………………………………………………………………………………….

………………………………………………………………………………………..

……………………………………………………………………………………………

26. What challenges do you face in your work……………………………………..

……………………………………………………………………………………….

……………………………………………………………………………………….

Section F: examining the role that local government representatives can play in addressing the north-south migration

27. Do you consider out-migration a problem in your area?

{1}yes {2}no

28. If the answer to the Q27 above is yes, what policies/programmes/projects have you put in place to avert the situation?

………………………………………………………………………………………………….

……………………………………………………………………………………………………

29. What can UC do to minimize out-migration in your area………………….

……………………………………………………………………………………….

……………………………………………………………………………………….

………………………………………………………………………………………..

30. What role do you think the assembly can play in minimizing the out-migration in your area?

………………………………………………………………………………………..

…………………………………………………………………………………………

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Appendix B: Jirapa District Map

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