379

PROTO-ALGONQUIAN [c] AND [s]

David H. Pentland University of Manitoba

1. Proto-Algonquian fe] Among the consonants that Leonard Bloomfield reconstructed in 1925 for the so-called Proto Central Algonquian language was a segment [è] (written *tc in the orthography then current). Unlike the other consonants, however, $1 had a very limited distribution: it appeared only before high front vowels and /y/ (where it was the automatic replacement of ft/), and in exclamations (of which Bloomfield gave only one example, the word for 'splash'). The revised reconstruction, of what was now called Proto-Algonquian, still included the segment [c] and the statement that it derives from ft/ before /i ï y/ (Bloomfield 1946:92), but the occurrence of [c] in exclamations was not mentioned. It is not known whether this was done through oversight, or because Bloomfield no longer reconstructed it in the word for 'splash'. By 1946 Bloomfield had also come to realize that in Cree, at least, [c] or [c] sometimes occurs in place of ft/ by a process of diminutive consonant symbolism. Other than [èaponki] 'splash', in which [c] is supposed to occur before a non-high vowel, there are no published reconstructions by Bloomfield or Truman Michelson in which [c] is not followed by /ï/, /Y/ or /y/, and no examples in which ft/ is followed by one of these segments: ft/ and [è] are in perfect complementary distribution. By the phonemic princi­ ple expounded by Bloomfield himself, then, [c] is nothing more than an allophone of Proto-Algonquian ft/, and in a phonemic transcription of the language (which is clearly what Bloomfield, if not Michelson, intended should be adopted) only ft/ ought to be written. 2. The word for 'splash' 2.1 The only form cited by Bloomfield (1925 :144) which might be claimed to have phonemic fe/ in contrast with ft/ is [caponki] 'splash', reconstructed on the basis of Fox / èapok-/ (in / èapokisëwa/ 'he falls into the water with a splash', fcapokisahowa/ 'he leaps into the water', etc.) and a Menomini form jcapüh/ 'splash!' which does not appear in the Menomini Lexicon (Bloomfield 1975). The correct Menomini form, 380 David Pentland

/capu?/, cannot be a true cognate of Fox /capok-/, so Bloomfield's reconstruction was based on a false premise. James Geary (1953:210) essentially solved the whole problem when he cited Cree and Ojibwa cognates (along with a dubious Powhatan comparison); he did not, how­ ever, revise the reconstruction to account for the additional forms. 2.2 The key to the problem is Ojibwa /tamonk-/ (in /tamonkaham/ 'he [beaver] slaps the water with his tail'), which differs from the Fox stem in two significant ways: it has initial /t/ rather than /c/, and medial /m/ instead of /p/. The only reconstruction which will account for both the Fox and Ojibwa forms is Proto-Algonquian /ta?monk-/; the initial /t/ has become /c/ in Fox by diminutive consonant symbolism (see 7.4) but the rest of the stem corresponds exactly. If all the forms were inherited from Proto-Algonquian /ta?monk-/ the reflexes would have been Cree */tahpohk-/ or */cahpohk-/ and Menomini */tapoh/ or */capoh/ beside Ojibwa /tamonk-/ and Fox /capok-/. The irregu­ lar /u/ and final/? / of the Menomini word for 'splash!' suggest that it is a loanword (doubtless from Fox), while the medial /m/ in Cree /camohkaham/ 'he (beaver) slaps the water with his tail' points to an early borrowing from Ojibwa /tamonkaham/ 'id.'; like Fox, Cree has so-called "diminutive" /c/ rather than /t/ initially. 2.3 There are also cognates in the Abenaki languages, which show that the Proto-Algonquian root is /ta?m-/, not disyllabic /ta?monk-/: Caniba has /cahp-/ (netsa'penaii 'je le plonge'; cf. Fox /necapokenawa/ 'id.'), with diminutive /c/ and apparent /hp/ from /?m/, while West­ ern Abenaki has /ta?mixkani/ 'my jaw').1 2.4 Geary (1953:210) compared Powhatan Tamokin 'to swim', which matches well enough except for two things: the root should be Tamonk- instead of Tamok-, since Powhatan retains nasal clusters, and there is another, completely different, form (Tooskean 'to swim') also in the Strachey vocabularies. Since Tamokin does not match the better at­ tested cognates and the Strachey vocabularies contain several examples of words with entirely incorrect glosses it is best left out of considera­ tion.

The Western Abenaki contrasts between /pp/ (< /?m/) and /hp/ (< /hp/ and /xp/) is indicated by Day (1064), but both clusters are written /pp/ by Warne (1075). The Abenaki languages shorten /a/ to /a/ before /hp/ (e.g. /pahpo/ 'he plays' < PA /pahpiwa/) but not before /pp/, as shown by the /6/ < PA /s/ in 'jaw'. Proto-Algonquian [c] and [s] 381

2.5 The word for 'splash' is important only because it is the sole form ever reconstructed by Bloomfield with [c] in a nonpalatalizing environ­ ment, and because it has recently been cited again as evidence that Proto-Algonquian had a phoneme /c/ (Goddard 1979:73-74). Since Ojibwa shows that this root had initial /t/, with [c] in some of the daughter languages due merely to diminutive consonant symbolism, there is no evidence for prevocalic /£/ in Proto-Algonquian: [c] occurs only as a predictable allophone of the phoneme /t/, and, in at least some of the daughter languages, as a result of consonant symbolism. Since it is completely predictable insofar as Proto-Algonquian is con­ cerned, [c] should not be included in the inventory of Proto-Algonquian consonants, nor should it be written in reconstructions which make any pretense of being in a phonemic transcription. 3. Reconstructions with [6] 3.1 If we substitute /t/ for [c] a few reconstructions will have to be revised. Hockett (1957:254) set up a few forms with the sequence [cw], based only on Ojibwa and Menomini cognates, e.g. *kancwepenewa 'he shoves him' (> Ojibwa /kancwepinat/, Menomini /kahcwepenew/); he did not cite the Cree cognates (e.g. /kahciwepinew/ 'he shoves him') because they do not appear in Bloomfield's MS Cree lexicon, but they point the way to the correct reconstructions. It is well known that the Odawa dialect of Ojibwa drops short un­ stressed vowels, as in [ganjwebnat] 'he shoves him'; it is not so well known that a similar rule is required to account for a few relics in Menomini which have not analogically restored the short vowels. When the loss of a short unstressed vowel brought identical consonants or consonant clusters together, Menomini degeminated; where the full form was not later analogically restored, the modern language ap­ pears to have haplology, as in /nekehkatep/ 'my garter' (underlying /n£kehkgkatepy-/) beside /kehkekatep/ 'garter', /waweyakew/ 'he is round' (underlying /w'aweyakSkew/) and /ocehkamekoh/ 'inside the anus' (underlying /5cehkahkamSk6hk/). By internal reconstruction alone it can be shown that a similar loss of unstressed short vowels has taken place in the Menomini deriva­ tives of Proto-Algonquian /kantiwep-/, such as /kahcwepaham/ 'he shoves it by instrument': (1) Menomini /c/ usually appears only before a high front vowel or semivowel; (2) after a consonant Menomini con­ tracts /we/ to /T/ (and shortens /T/ to /i/ after a consonant cluster) 382 David Pentland except in a handful of loanwords; (3) formatives like /-wep-/ 'fling' are normally joined to a preceding root by "connective /e/" (reflect­ ing Proto-Algonquian connective /i/). Thus there are three indepen­ dent arguments why Menomini /-wep-/ ought to be preceded by /e/ in /kahcwepaham/. Comparison with /espewepaham/ 'he flings it aloft' and similar forms shows that the /e/ is lost only after a root with a long vowel — that is, when the /e/ did not receive a stress under an alter­ nating stress rule like that of modern Odawa: underlying /Sspew'epa ham/ becomes /espewepaham/, but underlying /kahcewepaham/ be­ comes /kahcwepaham/ instead of */kahcewepaham/. 3.2 The loss of an unstressed short vowel in Menomini has also produced an example of the rare consonant cluster /ck/ in /macke?new/ 'he has an erection' < PA /matike?G (lit. 'he begins to grow at the penis'). The short /i/ is still present in the Fox cognate /madkanwewa/, which however has a different medial (/-a0w-/, literally 'arrow') for 'penis'. 3.3 The various words for 'blue jay' are not easily derived from a sin­ gle Proto-Algonquian form—there are three variants in Ojibwa alone. Siebert's (1967a:18) reconstruction *tTntTwa should give only forms with [c]—never [t]—in the daughter languages, since Proto-Algonquian /tln- tTwa/ represents phonetic [clnclwa]. A reconstruction /tent(ay)ehsiwa/ will account for most of the attested forms, but it must be assumed that there has been an irregular change of /e/ to /!"/ in most of the languages, ordered after the palatalization rule (Odawa and Caniba show diminutive consonant symbolism rather than palatalization): Cree /tehtTsiw/, /tlhtlsiw/, Montagnais titisi8, Ojibwa /tentehsi/, /tTntThsi/ and Odawa dialect /cTntThs(Tnh)/, Fox /tTtTwa/, Kickapoo /tiitiia/, Mi­ ami tandaksa, Shawnee /tTti/, Micmac /tities/, Malecite ti-ti-as', Penob­ scot /titayas/, Caniba tsitses8, Western Abenaki /titehso/. Siebert (1967b:53) notes that there are similar forms in Siouan: Dakota /teteni- 6a/, Catawba /tinde/; there is also a Chipweyan word, tooetooesoo (Hohn 1973:169), which resembles the Algonquian forms. Whether the terms for 'blue jay' are considered loanwords from some other language family, or to have been reshaped in some of the daughter languages, it is clear that they can contribute little to the question of the status of [c] in Proto-Algonquian. 3.4 Siebert (1967b:53, 56) also reconstructed *nemotyewi 'my bag' with a [-tye-] sequence to account for [-tT-] in the Menomini diminu­ tive /nemutTh/; he was properly hesitant about setting up such a form Proto-Algonquian [c] and [s] 383 since *ty is otherwise unattested and should always yield [cy]. By recognizing that Menomini contracts stem-final /ay/ plus /e/ (either epenthetic or underlying) to /T/, all the cognates can be accounted for by the reconstructions /menotayi/ 'bag' (diminutive /menotayehsi/) and /nemotayi/ 'my bag' (diminutive /nemotayehsi/): Ojibwa /nimo- tens/ 'my pocket', Menomini /nemot/ 'my belly' and /nemiitTh/ 'my bag', Penobscot /manote/ 'bag', Unami /namutay/ 'my belly' and /manures/ 'pouch'. 4. Proto-Algonquian [§] 4.1 While [c] is always completely predictable in its prevocalic appear­ ances in Proto-Algonquian, the segment Bloomfield reconstructed as [§] is more difficult to explain away. A large number of the examples of [s] are derivable from underlying /0/ by the same palatalization rule that produces [c]: whenever /0/ would have occurred before a high front vowel or glide, it is automatically replaced by phonetic [s], as in /eBihOinwa/ - [esihsinwa] 'he lies, falls so'. However, while there is virtually no residue of forms with [c] other than in the palatalizing environment, there are at least several dozen morphemes which have [s] before other vowels or before /w/, including such well known recon­ structions as /nyTswi/ 'two', /kTsekwi/ 'day', /sawanwi/ 'south' and /sekwehsa/ 'weasel'. 4.2 A few words which appear to require the reconstruction of [s] fol­ lowed by a consonant or non-palatalizing vowel turn out to have lost a short li) in one of the daughter languages, e.g. /mya0i-ken(e)we9yewa/ (*myasi-kenosyewa) 'strange fish,muskellunge ' > Ojibwa /maskinose/, Menomini /mias-kenusiw/: the Menomini form is still completely trans­ parent, but Ojibwa has dropped short /i/ (as usual after a long vowel) and ended up with an apparent /Sk/ consonant cluster. Similarly, Arapaho has occasionally lost short /i/ or /e/, as in /beescenee/ 'os­ trich' < /me?Oi-pelewa/ 'big bird' and /bexko?/ 'squash, pumpkin' < /me?9epakwa/(> Cheyenne/mahaon-/: sg. [mahao?6], pi. [mahaone]) leaving Arapaho consonant clusters which appear to derive from Proto- Algonquian /sp/ or /Op/. In these examples the correct reconstruction is easily made, since there are also cognates from other languages to show what has happened, but if the other forms had not been available, or if the second part of each word had not been a well known Proto- Algonquian morpheme, three more forms with unexplained [§] would have been listed in the Proto-Algonquian lexicon. 384 David Pentland

4.3 Internal reconstruction can eliminate other examples. As recon­ structed by Bloomfield, Proto-Algonquian never has short /i/ in the first syllable: underlying /i/ in this position becomes /e/, as in /ewa/ 'he says (so)' beside /nesi/ 'I say (so)' (stem /i-/ with suffix /-wa/ or prefix /nes-/ < /net-/). The fairly long list of roots with initial [se-] may therefore be set up as underlying /Oi-/ without doing any vio­ lence to the overall system (the /i/ which should have reappeared in prefixed forms would have been levelled out by analogy), and in one case provides a neat etymology. The reconstruction [senta] 'evergreen' (Siebert 1967a:27) is securely based on Cree /sihta/, Penobscot /sati/ (ending reshaped), Munsee /sant/ 'hemlock' and Atsina /Oeec/ 'pine'; the noun final /-antakwa/ 'evergreen' (Siebert 1967a:25) is also well attested (Ojibwa /-antak/, etc.), but the connection between the two forms has never been demonstrated. If we revise the reconstructions to /0int-a/ and /-a-nt-ak-w-a/ respectively and remember that /0/ is one of the consonants which is deleted to make medials, the two morphemes turn out to be the same: /-antakwa/ 'evergreen' consists of /(O)int-/ 'evergreen' with "premedial" /-a-/, "postmedial" /-ak-/ and noun final /-w-a/. 5. Sibilant assimilation 5.1 One of the sources of apparent [s] in non-palatalizing environments is a sibilant dissimilation rule in Cree, Ojibwa and Fox: /s/ or /s/ assim­ ilates to an /s/ or /s/ in the following syllable. Where the derivation of the word is obvious the effects of the rule are often undone by analogy, but there are many assimilated forms on record and even occasional doublets, e.g. Ojibwa /klsiswat/ and /kTsiswat/ 'when he cooks him done' in stories told by the same person (Jones 1917:106.11, 118.19). One of the more interesting forms with such assimilation is the word for 'eight', which Bloomfield (1946:117) reconstructed as *ne?swasika. As Siebert (1975:308) has noted, it is an obvious compound of /ne?0wi/ 'three', yet only Shawnee /nGwasikOwi/ 'eight' requires a reconstruction with /?9/, while Ojibwa /nihswahswi/ and Fox /neswasika/ appear to require /?s/. A revised construction /ne?0wa0i/, /ne?9wa0yeka/ 'eight' will account for all the cognates: Shawnee /n9wasik8wi/ (with added /-ahOwi/ < /tahOwi/ 'so many'), Penobscot /nsphonten qsak/, Un- ami /xas/, Powhatan nusswash, and assimilated Fox /negwasika/ (> Menomini /suasek/) and Ojibwa /nihswahswi/ (> Atikamekw Cree /niswaso/). Since Proto-Algonquian /?9/ yields Ojibwa /hs/ and Fox Proto-Algonquian [c] and [s] 385

/s/, the word for 'eight' was one in which the sibilant rule could apply, but Ojibwa has since replaced the suffix /-sik/ (< /-Oyeka/) with a reflex of /tahOwi/ 'so many', so that even the conditioning factor is no longer apparent in that language. 5.2 In Proto-Algonquian itself any fricative (i.e. /s 0 x/ before both vowels and consonants) may assimilate to a phonetic [s] in the fol­ lowing syllable; the exact formulation of the rule is uncertain, since the comparative method sometimes yields pairs of reconstructions, one with assimilation and the other without. One of the more frequently discussed reconstructions is the word for 'nail, claw, hoof, where all of the so-called Central languages require [sk] while all the others point to /xk/. The most likely solution to the problem is to reconstruct /nexkanOya/ 'my nail, claw, hoof (> Arapaho /no?ox/, Penobscot /nkasi/, Unami /nhikas/, etc.) and attribute the "Central" [sk] to assimilation of /xk/ to the following phonetic [s], i.e. [nexkansya] > [neskansya] (> Cree /niskasiy/, Ojibwa /niskans/, Fox /neSkaSi/, etc.). If the usual reconstruction of 'eye' (Bloomfield's *-SkTnsekwi) is slightly modified to /-xkTnOyekwi/ or /-OkTnGyekwi/ it too can be explained as having [sk] by assimilation to a following predictable [§]; in this recon­ struction, however, the original consonant cluster is unknown, since all the daughter languages appear to reflect Proto-Algonquian [sk]. God­ dard (1979:79) has pointed out that while /wexkenOi/ (his *wexkensi) 'his forehead' will account for Menomini /ohke:h/, Fox /ohkesi/, Illinois skinche, etc., Ojibwa /oskins/ 'his snout, muzzle' shows assimilation of /xk/ to [sk] before [s]. 5.3 The word for 'mud, clay' appears to be another that has sibilant assimilation, but in this case it works in the opposite direction: the re­ construction /aOyeOkyiwi/ will account for Arapaho /oxus/, Cheyenne [hese?(k)e], Penobscot /asasko/ and Powhatan assesquewh, but Cree /asiSkiy/, Ojibwa /aSiski/, Fox /asiSkiwi/ and Shawnee /aSiSki/ re­ quire [asyeskyiwi], where a preceding phonetic [s] causes assimilation in the following consonant cluster. There is no easy explanation for the discrepant /c/ and final/-ew / in Menomini /aceskew/ 'mud', but it too shows the assimilated cluster. Munsee /iisrSkaw/ also shows the assim­ ilation, but there was a second round of sibilant assimilation after the cluster [Sk] became [sk]: Common Delaware would have had [asTskaw]. It should be noted that this word illustrates one of the recurring prob­ lems in the reconstruction of Proto-Algonquian: because no daughter 386 David Pentland

language maintains contrasts between every pair of Proto-Algonquian consonant clusters, it is often impossible to be sure of the ancestral form—in the present case, 'mud' may pattern like 'nail' (with assimila­ tion only in the "Central" languages and [independently] in Delaware) or like 'eye' (with assimilation in all), since Arapaho, Cheyenne, Penob­ scot and Powhatan do not distinguish between Proto-Algonquian /Ok/ and [sk]. 6. Metathesis of [s] 6.1 Unexplained [s] clusters may also arise by metathesis of a pre­ dictable [S] with the firstelemen t of a consonant cluster ending in /-k/. One example of this is the doublet *kesiHkahwewa ~*keOeskahwewa re­ constructed by Hockett (1957:259): Proto-Algonquian /keOyeOkahwe- wa/ (phonetic [keSyeOk-]) will yield Fox /kesihkahwewa/ 'he scratches him' and Ojibwa /kiSihkawat/ 'he (missile) hits and hurts him', while metathesized [keOes(y)kahwewa] is necessary to account for Cree /kitis- khwew/ 'he grazes him with a shot' and Menomini /keneskawew/ 'he attacks him'. 6.2 More difficult to explain are the discrepant Fox and Shawnee words for 'deer' and 'grass'. Proto-Algonquian /peOyexkiwa/ 'quadruped, es­ pecially buffalo' ( =*pesexkiwa, Wolfart 1973:1322, correcting Siebert 1967a:23) is guaranteed by Plains Cree /pisiskiw/ 'animal', Ojibwa /piSihki/ 'buffalo', Menomini /pesehkiw/ 'buffalo', Arapaho /cese?ehii/ 'quadruped' and Western Abenaki /pesihko/ 'buffalo', but Fox /pese- , kesiwa/ 'deer' and Shawnee /psekOi/ 'id.' appear to derive from me­ tathesized [peXSyekiwa] (with replacement of /-iwa/ by /-ehsiwa/, as in Arapaho). Fox /maSiski/ 'grass, herb' and Shawnee /mSiSki/ 'leaf ' require a reconstruction [maXSiSkyi] which can hardly be dissociated s from the more common [maskixkyiwi] for Cree /maSkihkiy/, Ojibwa sl /maSkihki/, Penobscot /mskihko/, etc.; I cannot suggest a single re- i' construction and plausible series of reshapings in this set, particularly because Fox reflects both [maXs-] (/maSiSki/ and /maSiskiwi/) and !l [maSk-] (/maskihkiwi/) with no apparent difference in meaning. *' 7. Diminutive consonant symbolism 7.1 Most examples of phonetic [c] and [S] in Proto-Algonquian derive It from the well-known rules of "palatalization", by which /t/ and /0/ i came to have the allophones [c] and [s], respectively, before high front j vowels and glides. Not all derive from this source, however. I have Proto-Algonquian [c] and [S] 387

argued (Pentland 1975) that the rule which converts /t/ to [c] and /s/ to [s] in Cree diminutives is inherited from Proto-Algonquian, and ulti­ mately from Proto-Algic. The details vary from language to language, but diminutive consonant symbolism occurs in all the Algonquian lan­ guages for which we have adequate documentation, even if it is not always as productive as it is in Cree. 7.2 Segments produced by consonant symbolism rules have a very cu­ rious status: they may be identical in all respects to the segments which occur in non-diminutive forms, but this is not a necessary con­ dition. In modern Moose Cree, for example, the [c] and [S] produced by diminutive consonant symbolism are phonetically exactly the same as those which derive from the palatalization rules. In Nootka, on the other hand, consonant symbolism produces the palatalized sibilants [s c c'] which occur nowhere else in the language (Sapir 1915:4-5). En­ glish has an optional consonant symbolism rule by which /l/ becomes [w] (phonetically identical to /w/ from other sources), as in /witaw/ (phonetic [widu]) 'little', but also a special retracted [0] (or fronted [s]) which signals either 'a person with a lisp' or 'an effeminate male' and a retracted [s] used to imitate drunken speech. Neither [0] nor [S] is a normal English segment—they occur only as products of the respective consonant symbolism rules. So also in Proto-Algonquian: [c] and [S] in non-palatalizing environments were originally only the products of diminutive consonant symbolism, and did not have the same phonetic status as other segments. 7.3 Some speakers of English substitute ordinary [0] and [S] for the special retracted variants produced by consonant symbolism, but others still keep them apart. So also in Proto-Algonquian, where the [c] and [S] of diminutives came to be identified with the [c] and [s] produced by the palatalization rules, though they need not have been identical at first. Later sound changes, especially the widespread loss of /y/ after palatalized consonants, gave [c] and [s] full phonemic status, but this did not happen until after the break-up of Proto-Algonquian into a number of distinct daughter languages and is therefore irrelevant to the description of Proto-Algonquian itself. 7.4 Diminutive consonant symbolism has not been fully described in any of the Algonquian languages. In the eastern dialects of Cree,2 where

2 By "eastern Cree" I mean the dialects spoken in Ontario and Quebec which 388 David Pentland

it is fully productive, /s/ becomes /§/ and /t/ (which derives from Proto-Algonquian /0/ as well as /t/) becomes /c/; there is also a baby- talk version, in which /s/, /s/ and /t/ all become /£/, e.g. /nislm/ 'my younger sibling', diminutive /niSTm(iS)/, baby-talk /nicTmii/. The same shifts occur in Ojibwa (Nichols 1979), except that Proto-Algonquian /0/ has become /n/ and no longer participates in the symbolism process. Like Cree, Ojibwa has baby-talk /c/, so that underlying /nihsTm/ 'my younger sibling' becomes /nihSTmenh/ and /nihcTmihe/. Fox usually has /s/ in place of /s/ in diminutives, and /t/ occasionally becomes /c/.3 Shawnee has the same rules as Ojibwa: underlying /s/ (which has become phonetic [0] in modern Shawnee) becomes /S/ in diminu­ tives and /c/ in baby-talk. Even Arapaho sometimes shows traces of diminutive consonant symbolism: the normal Arapaho reflex of Proto- Algonquian /s/ is /h/, but in a few examples it appears as /x/, the expected reflex of Proto-Algonquian [S], as in /no?efx?i/ 'mink' from /sankwehsiwa/.

7.5 In his first attempt at reconstructing Proto-Algonquian, Bloom- i field (1925:145) set up a phoneme *0s (written 0c in those days) where Cree has /c/ corresponding to Ojibwa, Menomini and Fox /n/, as in *0se?0emawa 'tobacco' (> Cree /cistemaw/, Fox /nesemawa/). He later realized that Cree /c/ in such forms is due to diminutive con­ sonant symbolism, and replaced *0S with /0/ in the reconstructions (Bloomfield 1946:87). Cree is not the only daughter language which has a discrepant reflex in 'tobacco', however: the initial consonant of Arapaho /siisowoo/ does not match Atsina /cii066woo/ (nor does the /ii/ in Arapaho-Atsina correspond to Proto-Algonquian /e/).

7.6 Menomini /nahnakew/ will not fitth e reconstruction *ahSakewa 'crayfish, lobster' (Haas 1958:244, Goddard 1965:210); a revision to < /ahOakewa/ will account better for Ojibwa /ahSake/ (> Cree /aSakew/ 1 retain /k/ and /*/ as such, not the varieties east of James Bay, sometimes called ;; "East Cree", in which /k/ becomes /c/ before front vowels. Whenever possible I cite Cree forms from these eastern dialects, but substitute the arbitrary symbol /ri/ for the various reflexes of Proto-Algonquian /l/. Fox forms such /caki/ 'small', /caki/ 'all' and /tahkwi/ 'short' led Michelson (1032:03) to claim "Without doubt independent tc [i.e. PA /c/[ must have been I excessively rare, but I do not think its occurence [sic] can be successfully denied"' he did not, however go so far as to reconstruct such forms in Proto-Algonquian »ni' e he was aware of cognates with /t/ instead of /t/. Proto-Algonquian [c] and [s] 389 and Montagnais /asacew/), Menomini /nahnakew/, Fox /asahklwa/ (fi­ nal reshaped), Miami sakkia (final reshaped), Micmac /£akec/, Malecite nu-sak', Eastern Abenaki tsahghe, Western Abenaki /soka/ and Nar­ ragansett Ashaunt, where Fox, Ojibwa and Micmac show diminutive consonant symbolism and Menomini and Malecite have added an ini­ tial /n-/ (as in Menomini /nameh/ 'beaver' < /ameOkwa/). 8. Diminutive symbolism in consonant clusters 8.1 Diminutive consonant symbolism applied not only to prevocalic /t/, /0/ and /s/, but also to the first element of some consonant clusters— no doubt those which began with a fricative of some kind. Proto- Algonquian /0/ in the clusters /0p/ and /Ok/ and /s/ in the cluster /sk/ seem to have been phonetically the same as prevocalic /0/ and /s/ respectively: originally /0/ and /s/ in all positions probably became /S/ by the diminutive consonant symbolism rule, although some of the daughter languages (e.g.Cree) have [c] from prevocalic /0/. The /x/ of the clusters /xp/ and /xk/ derives from underlying /p/, /t/ or /k/; in diminutive environments it behaves as /t/, the most common source, and becomes [c]. 8.2 One of the better attested words with inherited diminutive con­ sonant symbolism is [yeskwewehsa] 'girl', diminutive of /yeOkwewa/ 'woman'. Most of the eastern and Plains languages have the same reflexes for both /0k/ and [Sk] (e.g. Arapaho /fsei/ 'woman', /isei- hihi/ 'girl'; Narragansett squaw, squauhses), but most so-called Cen­ tral languages have completely distinct reflexes of the two clusters: Cree /iskwew/, /iskweSis/; Fox /ihkwewa/, /iSkwesa/; Shawnee /ykwewa/, /SkwehOeOa/. Goddard (1979:79) attempts to explain Fox /iSkwesa/ 'girl' differently. He suggests that pre-Fox had /sk/ from Proto-Algon­ quian /0k/, and pre-Fox /s/ became /S/ in consonant clusters as well as before vowels; by a later sound change /sk/ became /hk/, the attested Fox reflex. Goddard's explanation works only because Fox has no pho­ netic [sk] cluster in contrast with [hk] and [Sk], but the Fox reflexes can hardly be discussed without reference to the neighbouring Algonquian languages: modern Fox [hk] corresponds almost always to Ojibwa [hk] ~[kk], Miami and Shawnee [?k], and Cheyenne [?(k)]; there is no evi­ dence to suggest that any of these languages—including Fox—ever had anything but [h] or [?] in such consonant clusters. 8.3 The root /paOk-/ 'open' becomes [paSk-] in diminutives, such as Fox 390 David Pentland

/paskanaketewi/ 'it is cracked' beside /pahkanaketewi/ 'it gapes open (from heat)' < /paOkalaketewi/, and in a few other formations, such as Ojibwa /paskisikan/, Menomini /paskecisekan/ and Fox /paskesikani/ 'gun' < (paske(cye)sikani] cf. Cree /paskisikan/ 'gun' < /paOkesikani/ and Menomini /pahkesekan/ 'can-opener' < /paOke. Similarly, the root /mo0k-/ 'emerge' (Siebert 1941:300; not /moxk-/ as set up by Geary 1941:307) has a "diminutive" doublet [moSk-], as in Fox /mohka- hamwa/ 'he (sun) rises' and /moSkahamwa/ 'he emerges' (both from underlying /moOkahamwa/). The root /mosk-/ 'be uncovered inde­ cently' set up by Geary (1941:306-307) may be a back-formation from [moSk-], reflecting the alternation between Proto-Algonquian /sk/ and /sk/ discussed below (see 8.7), but the relationship of /mosk-/ to the others is far from certain at this stage. 8.4 Siebert (1941:300) reconstructed /akwaOkwa/ 'woodchuck' and /me?0akwa0kwa/ 'badger', later adding the etymology /akw-/ 'dirty' + /-a0kw-/ 'bear' (Siebert 1967a:23). Only Menomini supports the re­ construction of /akw-/ rather than /ak-/, and the final /-?/ in Arapaho shows that the cluster cannot have been /0k/. No one reconstruction will yield all the attested reflexes, but a pair of forms with /xk/ and [ck] (the latter by diminutive symbolism) will work: Proto-Algonquian I /akaxkwa/ 'woodchuck', /me?0akaxkwa/ 'big woodchuck, badger' > Ojibwa /akahkocThS/, /mihsakahkocThS/, Menomini /akuah/, /me?na- ' kwah/ (plurals /-kok/), Arapaho /wox?6oo?/ (plural /-uu/), Atsina /boh?oo/ (error for /bohfoo?/?), Cheyenne [ma?hahko?e] (plural [ma?ha- hko?e] and reshaped [ma?hahko?eo?6]; Proto-Algonquian [akackwa] > I Western Abenaki /akaskw/, Massachusett plural ogkoshquog 'conies'. 8.5 Bloomfield (1925:148; 1946:89) reconstructed *keckyewa 'he is old' ( to account for Menomini /kecklw/ beside Fox /kehkyewa/, ignoring I Ojibwa /kihka/ 'he is very old' perhaps because it should have been k */kiSka/ according to his table of correspondences. The majority of « languages favour the reconstruction /kexkyewa/ 'he is old': Ojibwa il /kihka/, Potawatomi /kkya/, Fox /kehkyewa/, Shawnee /kehkiya-/ » (in /nekehkiyama/ 'my parent'), cf. Unami /khfkayak/ 'old folks'. |j Only Menomini /kecklw/ 'he is old' and /kekeckyamenawak/ 'our an- , cestors' require the reconstruction [keckyewa], but even Menomini has k a doublet with /hk/, /kehklwe?nesew/ 'he speaks archaically'. I, 8.6 The reconstruction /weleskwali/ 'his tonsil' (Geary 1941:395) was i based on Bloomfield's confusion of Ojibwa /sk/ and /Sk/; the correct ID Proto-Algonquian [c] and [S] 391

form is probably /welexkwali/, supported by Cree /onihkwa/ (all di­ alects, including the Saskatchewan Woods Cree dialects which have [0k] or [sk] < PA /sk/), Cheyenne [heta?e] and Micmac /uluk/, but Ojibwa /oniSkwan/ (not /oniskwan/) reflects [weleckwali] with diminutive con­ sonant symbolism. 8.7 Another of Geary's (1941:310) reconstructions was /-askw(ay)-/ (usually preceded by another element) 'leech, bloodsucker, snail'; that this morpheme actually contains Proto-Algonquian /sk/ is proven by Woods Cree /adakaskway/ beside Plains Cree /akahkway/ and by Ojibwa /sakaskwacime/, but there are also discrepant cognates re­ flecting [sk], explained by Siebert (1967b:57) as contamination with *SakaSkwa 'tick'. All of the forms of the daughter languages can be accommodated by the single reconstruction /(s)akaskwaya/, glossed (as Geary suggested) 'blood-sucking animal': Cree /akahkway/ 'leech', /anakahkway/ 'leech, snail'; Ojibwa /sakaskwacime/ 'leech' (also /SakaSkwacimenh/, with diminutive symbolism); Menomini /okaski?/ (with diminutive symbolism); Fox /akaskwaha/ 'leech', /SakaSkwaha 'tick' (the second, and perhaps the first, with diminutive symbolism); Cheyenne [heSko?e] (reshaped as in Menomini); Micmac /squ/; Caniba pabesk8 'leech' (different initial element), Penobscot /sakaskass/ 'tick' (both Eastern Abenaki forms probably with diminutive symbolism). Another word for 'snail', built from /pyemiskw-/ 'twist' by the addi­ tion of various diminutive elements, also shows the alternation between /sk/ (Ojibwa /pTmiskotihsT/) and [Sk] (Menomini /pTmiskih/). 8.8 There have been several explanations proposed for the discrepant reflexes in the word for 'gull', but they assume extensive borrowing (e.g. from Fox to Ojibwa to Cree-Montagnais). Proto-Algonquian /keyaxkwa/ 'gull' will account for Menomini /kayah/ (plural /kayah- kok/), Penobscot /kahkw/ and Caniba kaa8 ~kaiak8 (unglossed bird name); diminutive [keyackwa] will yield Cree /kiyaSk/, Ojibwa /kayaSk/ and Fox /akayaSkwa/ (with added initial /a-/); Miami kiakwa 'gull' could be from either. 8.9 Cree /ospikay/ 'his side' and Arapaho /ffcoo/ 'his rib' come from /wexpikayi/. The corresponding form with diminutive consonant sym­ bolism is [wecpikayi], from which Arapaho /iscoo/ 'region between the breasts' would derive without difficulty. If the reconstruction is correct (and it predicts the Arapaho form perfectly) the diminutive symbolism in this set must date back a considerable time, since a modern Arapaho 392 David Pentland

speaker would certainly not know that /if/ in /1'1'coo/ 'his rib' derives from pre-Arapaho-Atsina /i?/, nor would his ancestor have known that the glottal stop reflects a Proto-Algonquian segment capable of under­ going the diminutive consonant symbolism rule. I Not all words that have been reconstructed with [c] and [S] have undergone diminutive consonant symbolism, however, though if it is not carefully limited the symbolism rule could be used to explain away all the examples, since whenever one of the languages requires [ck] , or [Sk] to the exclusion of /xk/ and /0k/ it might be attributed to j diminutive consonant symbolism, which is neither a well-understood process nor one that is particularly restricted semantically. 9. Loanwords with [c] and [s] i 9.1 Some words with [c] and [S] were borrowed from non-Algonquian languages, thus introducing them into environments where they had not I previously occurred. The most widespread Algonquian word for 'nine' may be such a loanword, since it has irregular reflexes in Arapaho, J

Shawnee and Atikamekw Cree, and apparent cognates in neighbour- i ing non-Algonquian languages, but the reconstruction /Oyaka/ 'nine' , does account perfectly for most of the forms:4 Cree /Sak(itaht)/ (but | Atikamekw dialect /cak-/), Ojibwa /Sank(ahswi)/, Menomini /sakew/ \ (final reshaped), Fox /Saka/, Shawnee /cakatOwi/, Nawathinehena ; /siaahtehe?en/ (? > Arapaho /0io?/. /Oi'oUox/), Cheyenne /soohto/; „ cf.Chiwere (Siouan) /?Sake/, and Choctaw (Muskogean) Chak-ah-ta. a 9.2 A Proto-Algonquian form [eSka], a sort of quotative particle mean- i ing 'I know through a dream or by magic', can be reconstructed on i the basis of Cree /iska/ and Menomini /esken/ (with quotative /-en/); i Ojibwa /intaska/ 'id.' can also be fitted in without too much difficulty, a This would be yet another example of unexplained [Sk], except that the k existence of a Dakota quotative particle /skha/ 'it is said' suggests that the Algonquian forms were probably borrowed from a Siouan langauge. ti 9.3 Another very likely borrowing from Siouan is the Cree suffix /-Sap/ ( forming numerals above 'ten' (/peyakoSap/ 'eleven', /nISoSap/ 'twelve', ' etc.); it could derive from a Proto-Algonquian /-0yap-/ (cf. the root '

* Siebert (1075:310-311) reconstructed *saka, but the /i/ of Nawathinehena /siaa-/ ' •hows that the correct form is [syaka] (confirmed by Cheyenne, which has /s/ only ) before underlying /y/). There is no evidence to support Siebert's contention that this originally meant 'four', nor for his reconstruction *sak5syeka 'nine'. Proto-Algonquian [c] and [S] 393

/Oyapw-/ 'through'?), but in the absence of cognates in other Algo­ nquian languages except Western Montagnais (MacKenzie 1980:211- 212) borrowing is a very real possibility. In Dakota the numbers above 'ten' are formed with the prefix /sam/ (/sam wazi/ 'eleven', etc.), a derivative of /sapa/ (underlying /sap-/ plus epenthetic /-a/) 'more than'; except for the unexplained [s] : [S] correspondence, Dakota /sap- / is a perfect match for the Cree suffix, and its likely source. Other words with unexplained [c] or [S] may also be loanwords from non-Algonquian languages, but it is impossible to identify them all, since some of the likely donor languages—for instance those in the lower Ohio Valley—became extinct before they could be recorded. Further­ more, some borrowings will have been so reshaped in Proto-Algonquian or the daughter languages that they will appear to be derivatives of na­ tive roots. 10. Blends Another source of [S] in non-palatalizing environments is through blending a word with predictable [S] with one which should have re­ tained unpalatalized /0/. Three reconstructions are required to account for the various words meaning 'hip' or 'rump': /neOokani/ 'my hip' (Michelson 1935:154) > Cree /nitokan/, Ojibwa /ninokan/, Western Abenaki /nelokan/, etc.; /neOylkani/ 'my rump' (phonetic [neSyTkani], Siebert 1975:373) > Ojibwa /niSTkan/, Menomini /nesTkan/, Fox /neST- kani/, Narragansett Wusseke 'the hinder part of the Deere', etc.; [neS5- kani] 'my rump' > Cree /niSokan/, Micmac /nsukun/, etc. All three terms are quite widely attested, but the third, [nesokani], has [S] in a non-palatalizing environment. If we assume that [neSokani] has the meaning and consonantism or [neSyTkani] (/neOyTkani/) but the vocal- ism of the almost identical word for 'hip', /neOokani/, the forms can be explained without recourse to a phonemic /S/ in Proto-Algonquian. An even more transparent set is the words for 'catfish' and some kind of trout: /myalamekwa/ 'strange fish' (root /myal- -myaO-/) will account for Cree /manamek/ and Ojibwa /manamek/ 'catfish', while Menomini /miasenamekoh/ 'spotted trout' is a frozen compound /myaOi-namekwa/ meaning the same thing (if still felt to be a com­ pound in Menomini, the form would be */mias-namekoh/). Cree /ma- Samekos/ 'river trout' and Ojibwa /maSamekohs/ 'salmon-trout' ap­ pear to derive from a Proto-Algonquian form [myaSamekwehsa], in which the palatalized form of the root, [myaS(i)] (phonemic /myaOi/), 394 David Pentland has been extended to an environment in which it did not originally be­ long. There are many examples of such extensions or generalizations in individual Algonquian languages; Goddard (1977) has shown that they are so widespread and common that the reflexes of [c] and [S] cannot be mechanically derived from underlying /t/ and /0/ in any of the daughter languages. Most of the words with unpredictable [c] and [S] are properly to be accounted for within the individual languages, not as alternative Proto-Algonquian forms—only rarely, as in the word for 'trout', do two languages agree on their analogical new creations. 11. Conclusions Bloomfield (1925) reconstructed Proto-Algonquian *c by a straight­ forward application of the comparative method, based on the corre­ spondence of Cree and Menomini /c/ to Ojibwa and Fox /c/. He also reconstructed *0c (Cree /c/ : Ojibwa, Menomini and Fox /n/) and *t (> I'i/ in all four languages) in contrast with *i (Menomini /e/ : Cree, Ojibwa and Fox /i/). In his 1946 revision Bloomfield used internal reconstruction and a better understanding of the daughter languages' grammars to recast the Proto-Algonquian sound system in a phonemic mould. He had discovered that Cree replaces /t/ (the normal reflex of /0/) by /c/ in diminutives and a few other forms, and was thus able to eliminate *0c from the Proto-Algonquian inventory. Internal re­ construction of Proto-Algonquian showed that *t usually derives from earlier (underlying) /yi/ and /wi/, and it was removed in favour of the earlier forms. However, Bloomfield failed to notice (or ignored) the synchronic fact that Proto-Algonquian *c is in complementary distribu­ tion with /t/, though he had observed the diachronic fact that it always occurred when underlying /t/ was followed by /T/, /T/ or /y/. Since the 1946 reconstruction of Proto-Algonquian was clearly intended to be phonemic, the retention of *c can only have been a lapse on Bloom­ field's part; it should be replaced by /t/ throughout the Bloomfieldian reconstructions. Bloomfield also observed that in many cases [S] derives from under­ lying /0/ before /T/, /i/ or /y/. Internal reconstruction suggests that in pre-Proto-Algonquian many more examples of [S] were predictable though Berman (1982) may be correct in suggesting that there were also some which already belonged to a distinct phoneme in Proto-Algic. It is still necessary to write /S/ in some forms (such as the verb final/-eS- / 'by cutting edge'), but I suggest that the use of /s/ be limited to such Proto-Algonquian [c] and [s] 395 cases. If Bloomfield's *c and *5 are replaced by /t/ and /0/ respec­ tively whenever they are predictable the two symbols will be free for other functions, such as indicating the effects of the diminutive con­ sonant symbolism rule on /t/, /0/ and /s/ (when the application of the rule was of Proto-Algonquian date), and to mark the relatively few examples of [S] which cannot be attributed either to symbolism or to palatalization.

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