Conference Book SHADE MED 2020
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MEMO Questions and Answers: a Background for the Strategic
MEMO Questions and answers: a background for the Strategic Compass As the global security environment is deteriorating, the European Union and its Member States face an increasing number of complex threats and challenges. In order to respond to these adequately, there have been rapid developments to strengthen the EU in the field of security and defence. With a comprehensive set of defence initiatives that have been implemented since 2017, the EU has taken defence cooperation to a new level. As a credible actor and reliable partner, the EU now also needs to provide more clarity about its strategic goals. With the Strategic Compass, Member States have embarked on a journey to define what they want to be able to do to strengthen the EU, namely when it comes to responding to external crises, building the capacity of partners and protecting the Union and its citizens. Demonstrating the immense political will at the highest level, EU heads of state affirmed their commitment to and provided clear guidance on the Strategic Compass in their Statement in February 2021. As indicated by the Council in June 2020, the Strategic Compass will define policy orientations and specific goals and objectives in four clusters: (1) crisis management, (2) resilience, (3) capability development, and (4) partnerships. These four dimensions are interconnected. It is crucial to set clear and ambitious goals across them, if we want the EU to become a more effective security provider and a more responsible and reliable partner. As the Strategic Compass aims to provide political guidance for civilian and military planning processes, it should contain concrete proposals for action as well as timelines for implementation. -
COVID-19 Measure
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Policy Briefs
Rethinking EU Crisis Management From Battlegroups to a European Legion? Niklas Nováky Summary June 2020 This paper discusses an idea to create a European Legion that has been put forward by Radoslaw Sikorski, MEP. This would be a new kind of EU military unit, made up of volunteers rather than national contingents contributed by the member states. The idea stems from Sikorski’s desire to reform the EU’s existing battlegroups, which have been operational for 15 years but have never been used, despite numerous opportunities. The paper argues that although the EU’s 2007 Lisbon Treaty imposes heavy restrictions on the Union’s ability to deploy military force, it does not rule out conducting operations with a volunteer force. At the same time, a volunteer-based European Legion force would have to be created initially by a group of member states outside the EU framework. These states could then make it available to the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy as, for example, a permanent battlegroup. An existing model would be the multinational Eurocorps. Keywords CSDP – Crisis management – Battlegroups – European Legion – European Council – Eurocorps 1 Introduction Since the EU’s Common (formerly European) Security and Defence Policy (ESDP/CSDP) became operational in 2003, the Union has launched a total of 13 military operations within its framework. Of these, eight have been executive in character, meaning that they were authorised to use force if this had been deemed necessary to fulfil their mandate. The most recent CSDP military operation is Operation IRINI in the Mediterranean, which the EU launched on 31 March 2020 to help enforce the UN’s arms embargo on Libya. -
BORDER SECURITY.Pdf
COMMITTEE ON THE CIVIL DIMENSION OF SECURITY (CDS) BORDER SECURITY Special Report by Lord JOPLING (United Kingdom) Special Rapporteur 134 CDS 19 E rev. 1 fin | Original: English | 12 October 2019 134 CDS 19 E rev.1 fin TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 1 II. LAND BORDERS: THREE HOTSPOTS ................................................................................. 1 A. US-MEXICO BORDER .................................................................................................. 1 B. THE WESTERN BALKANS ROUTE .............................................................................. 7 C. CEUTA AND MELILLA: SPANISH ENCLAVES IN NORTH AFRICA ............................. 9 III. MARITIME ROUTES: AN UPDATE ON THE SITUATION IN THE MEDITERRANEAN........ 10 IV. AIRPORT SECURITY 18 YEARS AFTER 9/11: NEW CHALLENGES ................................. 15 V. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ..................................................................... 18 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................. 21 134 CDS 19 E rev.1 fin I. INTRODUCTION 1. In the past several years, the ability to protect the external borders of Europe has been tested by the extraordinary movement of people fleeing violence and poverty in parts of Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. The security of borders has become a top priority for many Allies, from the United States -
Counting Dollars Or Measuring Value: Assessing NATO And
JULY 2018 Counting Dollars or Measuring Value Assessing NATO and Partner Burden Sharing AUTHORS Kathleen H. Hicks Jeffrey Rathke Seamus P. Daniels Michael Matlaga Laura Daniels Andrew Linder A Report of the CSIS INTERNATIONAL SECURITY PROGRAM JULY 2018 Counting Dollars or Measuring Value Assessing NATO and Partner Burden Sharing AUTHORS KATHLEEN H. HICKS JEFFREY RATHKE SEAMUS P. DANIELS MICHAEL MATLAGA LAURA DANIELS ANDREW LINDER A Report of the CSIS INTERNATIONAL SECURITY PROGRAM About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. Today, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 fulltime staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Thomas J. Pritzker was named chairman of the CSIS Board of Trustees in November 2015. Former U.S. deputy secretary of defense John J. Hamre has served as the Center’s president and chief executive officer since 2000. -
Eastern Mediterranean Brinkmanship Is a Clear and Present Danger GMF Experts
Transatlantic Take 28 August 2020 Eastern Mediterranean Brinkmanship Is a Clear and Present Danger GMF Experts The United States and Europe cannot be complacent about the risk of conflict in the Eastern Mediterranean. Alongside the dangerous situation in the South China Sea, the deepening confrontation in the Aegean and in the waters off Cyprus, Crete, and Libya is arguably the most serious and immediate security flashpoint facing transatlantic partners today. The crisis poses key tests for NATO and the European Union. On the face of it, the crisis has been driven by maritime demarcation disputes affecting offshore energy exploration and trans- port. These differences are longstanding and could be amenable to legal and diplomatic solutions. However, current brinkmanship is not really about energy per se, and it is being shaped by wider strategic developments. Greek-Turkish relations are at the core. The détente that has prevailed between Athens and Ankara since the late 1990s is on the verge of collapse. This would have profound implications for regional stability and NATO’s ability to function in the face of pressing security demand emanating from the Levant, North Africa, and around the Mediterranean. Even if the immediate threat of conflict can be contained, the alliance could be faced with a return to the tense conditions that prevailed for decades and impeded NATO solidarity and operations. There have been profound changes on both sides. Turkey has lost its inhibitions regarding power projection. It has become a more independent and assertive actor, encouraged by operational successes in Syria and Libya. The country has also rediscovered its maritime interests and strategy. -
Closed Ports, Dubious Partners: the European Policy of Outsourcing Responsibility – Study Update 1
Closed Ports, Dubious Partners: The European Policy of Outsourcing Responsibility – Study Update 1 E-PAPER Closed Ports, Dubious Partners: The European Policy of Outsourcing Responsibility Study Update BY PROF. DR. ANUSCHEH FARAHAT & PROF. DR. NORA MARKARD Closed Ports, Dubious Partners: The European Policy of Outsourcing Responsibility Study Update By Prof. Dr. Anuscheh Farahat & Prof. Dr. Nora Markard Table of contents Introduction 1. Summary of Recent Events 4 1.1. Port Closures 1.2. The Case of the Alan Kurdi and the Aita Mari 1.3. Private Pushbacks to Libya 2. Port Closures 7 2.1. The SAR Regime: Accessing a Place of Safety 2.2. The Covid-19 Pandemic as a Justification 3. Private Pushbacks to Libya 14 3.1. The Situation in Libya 3.2. Pushbacks to Libya Continue to Violate the Law of the Sea 3.3. Pushbacks to Libya Continue to Violate Non-refoulement 3.4 Pushbacks by Private Actors are Attributable to Malta 4. Conclusion 16 Closed Ports, Dubious Partners: The European Policy of Outsourcing Responsibility – Study Update Introduction In March and April 2020, Malta and Italy declared their ports closed to boats rescued from distress at sea, citing the strain imposed by Covid-19 as the reason. The Alan Kurdi and the Aita Mari, both of which had performed rescues in the Mediterranean, were therefore kept in limbo at sea for close to two weeks, before the survivors were finally transferred to a passenger ship, where they were quarantined until it was clear that they did not carry Covid-19 infections. In a third incident, a boat in distress was first left adrift and then intercepted by a private vessel, at the behest of the Maltese authorities, which disembarked the survivors in Libya, where they were put in detention – seven perished trying to reach a merchant vessel, five more died before reaching Libya. -
Search and Rescue, Disembarkation and Relocation Arrangements in the Mediterranean Sailing Away from Responsibility? Sergio Carrera and Roberto Cortinovis No
Search and rescue, disembarkation and relocation arrangements in the Mediterranean Sailing Away from Responsibility? Sergio Carrera and Roberto Cortinovis No. 2019-10, June 2019 Abstract Search and Rescue (SAR) and disembarkation of persons in distress at sea in the Mediterranean continue to fuel divisions among EU member states. The ‘closed ports’ policy declared by the Italian Ministry of Interior in June 2018, and the ensuing refusal to let NGO ships conducting SAR operations enter Italian ports, has resulted in unresolved diplomatic rows between some European governments and EU institutions, and grave violations of the human rights of people attempting to cross the Mediterranean. This paper examines how current political controversies surrounding SAR and disembarkation in the Mediterranean unfold in a policy context characterised by a ‘contained mobility’ paradigm that has materialised in the increasing penalisation of humanitarian SAR NGOs, a strategic and gradual operational disengagement from SAR activities by the EU and its member states, and the delegation of containment tasks to the Libyan coast guard (so-called ‘pullbacks’), a development that has been indirectly supported by EU institutions. These policies have contributed to substantially widen the gap in SAR capabilities in the Central Mediterranean. This research has been conducted under the ReSOMA project. ReSOMA receives funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the grant agreement 770730. The opinions expressed in this paper are attributable solely to the authors in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which they are associated, nor can they be taken in any way to reflect the views of the European Commission'. -
Operation Themis Impaginato Eng.Pdf
Since almost five years now, the agency to handle it, its mandate has migratory phenomenon that from the been widen and strengthen North African and Middle Eastern transforming Frontex in the European coasts crosses the Mediterranean Sea Border and Coast Guard Agency. Going and arrives in the European territory into details, Frontex is today able, in keeps on representing a challenge for emergency situations, to quickly deploy 2 those States and the agencies of the border and coast guard officers from a European Union (EU) that struggle rapid reaction pool of at least 1.500 containing it. With time many EU-led men and women. Moreover, among the operations, in which Italy has always other functions it performs, the agency had a determining role, have been shares the intelligence collected on launched for handling the crisis. The people suspected of being involved in most recent one started on the first of criminal activities with national February 2018, it is called Themis and is authorities and other European managed by the EU agency Frontex. institutions. It is precisely in this new First of all, it is relevant to remind that framework that operation Themis in Frontex was founded in 2005 as the the central Mediterranean Sea was European Agency for the Management born, replacing the previous Frontex of Operation Cooperation at the operation named Triton. Therefore, External Borders. Its task, in fact, was with the end of identifying the change to help States of the Union of path the agency has made by implementing the communitarian rules launching Themis, it is necessary to about checks at the borders of the recall tasks, operational area, successes Schengen area, ensuring that the and failures of Triton. -
IN the MED How NATO Can Refocus Its Efforts in the South and Italy Can Lead the Charge
MORE IN THE MED How NATO Can Refocus its Efforts in the South and Italy Can Lead the Charge Ambassador (Ret.) Alexander R. Vershbow Lauren M. Speranza The Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strat- egies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of service and embodies his ethos of non- partisan commitment to the cause of security, support for US leadership in cooperation with allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. The Scowcroft Center’s Transatlantic Security Initiative brings together top policymakers, gov- ernment and military officials, business leaders, and experts from Europe and North America to share insights, strengthen cooperation, and develop innovative approaches to the key challenges facing NATO and the transatlantic community. This report was produced as part of the Transatlantic Security Initiative’s work focused on NATO’s southern neighborhood and Mediterranean security, in partnership with Leonardo. About Our Partner Leonardo is a true transatlantic company. Headquartered in Italy, the company has a global foot- print with major industrial activities in Italy, Poland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Leonardo recognizes the importance of NATO and the critical role its industrial dimension plays in enabling the Alliance to meet its objectives. To that end, Leonardo has been a consistent and long-term provider of security technology and expertise to NATO across its strategic systems, including Alliance Ground Surveillance (AGS), Air Command and Control System - Integrated Air Missile Defence (ACCS – IAMD), Allied Future Surveillance and Control (AFSC), cyber defense (NCIRC), and electronic warfare. -
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Hamburg Model United Nations “Shaping a New Era of Diplomacy” 28th November – 1st December 2019 NATO Hamburg Model United Nations Study Guide 28th November – 1st December Welcome Letter by the Secretary Generals Dear Delegates, we, the secretariat of HamMUN 2019, would like to give a warm welcome to all of you that have come from near and far to participate in the 21st Edition of Hamburg Model United Nations. We hope to give you an enriching and enlightening experience that you can look back on with joy. Over the course of 4 days in total, you are going to try to find solutions for some of the most challenging problems our world faces today. Together with students from all over the world, you will hear opinions that might strongly differ from your own, or present your own divergent opinion. We hope that you take this opportunity to widen your horizon, to, in a respectful manner, challenge and be challenged and form new friendships. With this year’s slogan “Shaping a New Era of Democracy” we would like to invite you to engage in and develop peaceful ways to solve and prevent conflicts. To remain respectful and considerate in diplomatic negotiations in a time where we experience our political climate as rough, and to focus on what unites us rather than divides us. As we are moving towards an even more globalized and highly military armed world, facing unprecedented threats such as climate change and Nuclear Warfare, international cooperation has become more important than ever to ensure peace and stability. -
EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN in UNCHARTED WATERS: Perspectives on Emerging Geopolitical Realities
EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN IN UNCHARTED WATERS: Perspectives on Emerging Geopolitical Realities EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN IN UNCHARTED WATERS: Perspectives on Emerging Geopolitical Realities Prof. Michaël Tanchum Editor All rights reserved. Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Derneği Türkiye Temsilciliği Ahmet Rasim Sokak No: 27 06990 Çankaya-Ankara Tel.: +90-312-440 40 80 Fax: +90-312-440 32 48 E-Mail: [email protected] www.kas.de/tuerkei This publication reflects the views of the authors only which had the freedom to choose any terminology they wanted to express their free opinion. Table of Contents Preface ........................................................................................................................................... 4 Walter Glos Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 5 Ercan Çitlioğlu The Geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean Crisis: A Regional System Perspective on the Mediterranean's new Great Game ................................................................................................ 7 Michaël Tanchum TRNC-RoC Cooperation: A Critical Missing Piece for Eastern Mediterranean Stability .............. 18 Mustafa Çıraklı The Eastern Mediterranean as an Emerging Crisis Zone: Greece and Cyprus in a Volatile Regional Environment ................................................................................................................. 25 Ioannis N. Grigoriadis Turkey in an Increasingly Complex Eastern Mediterranean: