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Trekking Outward
TREKKING OUTWARD A CHRONOLOGY OF MEETINGS BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICANS AND THE ANC IN EXILE 1983–2000 Michael Savage University of Cape Town May 2014 PREFACE In the decade preceding the dramatic February 1990 unbanning of South Africa’s black liberatory movements, many hundreds of concerned South Africans undertook to make contact with exile leaders of these organisations, travelling long distances to hold meetings in Europe or in independent African countries. Some of these “treks”, as they came to be called, were secret while others were highly publicised. The great majority of treks brought together South Africans from within South Africa and exile leaders of the African National Congress, and its close ally the South African Communist Party. Other treks involved meetings with the Pan Africanist Congress, the black consciousness movement, and the remnants of the Non-European Unity Movement in exile. This account focuses solely on the meetings involving the ANC alliance, which after February 1990 played a central role in negotiating with the white government of F.W. de Klerk and his National Party regime to bring about a new democratic order. Without the foundation of understanding established by the treks and thousands of hours of discussion and debate that they entailed, it seems unlikely that South Africa’s transition to democracy could have been as successfully negotiated as it was between 1990 and the first democratic election of April 1994. The following chronology focuses only on the meetings of internally based South Africans with the African National Congress (ANC) when in exile over the period 1983–1990. Well over 1 200 diverse South Africans drawn from a wide range of different groups in the non- governmental sector and cross-cutting political parties, language, educational, religious and community groups went on an outward mission to enter dialogue with the ANC in exile in a search to overcome the escalating conflict inside South Africa. -
Looking Back.Pdf (241.9Kb)
Looking back: UWC and the redefinition of knowledge production in a changing society André Odendaal Honorary Professor in History and Heritage Studies, UWC Founding Director: The Mayibuye Centre (1990-1998) and Robben Island Museum (1996-2002) Professors Patricia Hayes and Premesh Lalu have in this edition of from exile to UWC after the unbanning of organisations in 1990. Signals provided useful insight into the importance of theory, Buoyed by the upsurge of resistance inside the country, Oliver history, archives and the humanities in South Africa, and how Tambo had announced in his annual presidential address on the they can help “assist us in building an ongoing capacity to 74th birthday of the ANC on 8 January 1986 that 1986 would resist oppression and develop a politics of care in the present be the “Year Of uMkhonto we Sizwe – the People’s Army’. The and future”. Their reflections on how to develop new ideas message was to make apartheid “ungovernable”. But unknown for the way forward in a country and “post-truth” world to many, Tambo had also on that very day set up a secret mired in crisis invite us to look back for lessons to the 1980s Constitution Committee in Lusaka, giving it an “Ad Hoc unique and 1990s when UWC famously started redefining itself as exercise” that had ”no precedent in history of the movement’”. an “intellectual home of the democratic left”, challenging the Knowing that all wars end at a negotiating table, he instructed traditional roles played by universities in South Africa. UWC his new think-tank to start preparing a constitutional framework questioned the whole system of knowledge production in South for a liberated, non-racial democratic South Africa, so that Africa and changed its mission to serve primarily excluded and when that time came the movement would be prepared and marginalised narratives, seeking in the process to develop “an holding the initiative. -
Inkanyiso OFC 8.1 FM.Fm
21 The suppression of political opposition and the extent of violating civil liberties in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei bantustans, 1960-1989 Maxwell Z. Shamase 1 Department of History, University of Zululand [email protected] This paper aims at interrogating the nature of political suppression and the extent to which civil liberties were violated in the erstwhile Ciskei and Transkei. Whatever the South African government's reasons, publicly stated or hidden, for encouraging bantustan independence, by the time of Ciskei's independence ceremonies in December 1981 it was clear that the bantustans were also to be used as a more brutal instrument for suppressing opposition. Both Transkei and Ciskei used additional emergency-style laws to silence opposition in the run-up to both self- government and later independence. By the mid-1980s a clear pattern of brutal suppression of opposition had emerged in both bantustans, with South Africa frequently washing its hands of the situation on the grounds that these were 'independent' countries. Both bantustans borrowed repressive South African legislation initially and, in addition, backed this up with emergency-style regulations passed with South African assistance before independence (Proclamation 400 and 413 in Transkei which operated from 1960 until 1977, and Proclamation R252 in Ciskei which operated from 1977 until 1982). The emergency Proclamations 400, 413 and R252 appear to have been retained in the Transkei case and introduced in the Ciskei in order to suppress legal opposition at the time of attainment of self-government status. Police in the bantustans (initially SAP and later the Transkei and Ciskei Police) targeted political opponents rather than criminals, as the SAP did in South Africa. -
Jacob Zuma: the Man of the Moment Or the Man for the Moment? Alex Michael & James Montagu
Research & Assessment Branch African Series Jacob Zuma: The Man of the Moment or the Man for the Moment? Alex Michael & James Montagu 09/08 Jacob Zuma: The Man of the Moment or the Man for the Moment? Alex Michael & James Montagu Key Findings • Zuma is a pragmatist, forging alliances based on necessity rather than ideology. His enlarged but inclusive cabinet, rewards key allies with significant positions, giving minor roles to the leftist SACP and COSATU. • Long-term ANC allies now hold key Justice, Police and State Security ministerial positions, reducing the likelihood of legal charges against him resurfacing. • The blurring of party and state to the detriment of public institutions, which began under Mbeki, looks set to continue under Zuma. • Zuma realises that South Africa relies too heavily on foreign investment, but no real change in economic policy could well alienate much of his populist support base and be decisive in the longer term. 09/08 Jacob Zuma: The Man of the Moment or the Man for the Moment? Alex Michael & James Montagu INTRODUCTION Jacob Zuma, the new President of the Republic of South Africa and the African National Congress (ANC), is a man who divides opinion. He has been described by different groups as the next Mandela and the next Mugabe. He is a former goatherd from what is now called KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) with no formal education and a long career in the ANC, which included a 10 year spell at Robben Island and 14 years of exile in Mozambique, Swaziland and Zambia. Like most ANC leaders, his record is not a clean one and his role in identifying and eliminating government spies within the ranks of the ANC is well documented. -
A Critical Appraisal of Policy on Educator Post
A CRITICAL APPRAISAL OF POLICY ON EDUCATOR POST PROVISIONING IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN KWAZULU-NATAL by INBANATHAN NAICKER Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the DOCTOR OF EDUCATION (DEd) in the discipline Education Management and Leadership, School of Education and Development, Faculty of Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal PROMOTER: Prof. Thengani H. Ngwenya DATE SUBMITTED: November 2005 DECLARATION I declare that this thesis titled, A CRITICAL APPRAISAL OF POLICY ON EDUCATOR POST PROVISIONING IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN KWAZULU- NATAL is my own work and that all the sources that have been used or quoted, have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. ______________________ Inbanathan Naicker Reg. No.: 8116342 November 2005 ii ABSTRACT Historically, educator post provisioning in South African public schools has been a contentious issue. Informed by the apartheid ideology, the staffing of schools was skewed both quantitatively and qualitatively in favour of the white population group. In contrast, the schools catering for the black population had to contend with high learner-educator ratios and poorly qualified educators. With the coming into power of the first democratically elected government in 1994 there was growing optimism that equity, redress and social justice would prevail in all spheres of society, including education. In the education arena there were significant attempts at addressing the inequity that prevailed in terms of educator distribution. This study which is grounded in the field of policy analysis, critically analyses the policy on educator post provisioning in public schools in KwaZulu-Natal in the post apartheid era. -
Why the Lights Went Out: Reform in the South African Energy Sector
Graduate School of Development Policy and Practice Strategic Leadership for Africa’s Public Sector WHY THE LIGHTS WENT OUT: REFORM IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN ENERGY SECTOR WHY THE LIGHTS WENT OUT: REFORM IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN ENERGY SECTOR UCT GRADUATE SCHOOL OF DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This case study was researched and written by a team at the Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI), lead by Tracy van der Heijden, for the University of Cape Town’s Graduate School for Development Policy and Practice. Funding for the development of the case study was provided by the Employment Promotion Programme (funded by the Department for International Development). PARI would like to thank Ian McRae, Allen Morgan, Steve Lennon, Alec Erwin and Portia Molefe who were interviewed for the purposes of developing this case study. We would also like to thank Brian Levy for his input. This case study was researched and written by a team at the Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI), lead by Tracy van der Heijden, for the University of Cape Town’s Graduate School for Development Policy and Practice. Funding for the development of the case study was provided by the Employment Promotion Programme (funded by the Department for International Development). April 2013. WHY THE LIGHTS WENT OUT: REFORM IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN ENERGY SECTOR UCT GRADUATE SCHOOL OF DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE 3 PUBLIC AFFAIRS RESEARCH INSTITUTE (PARI) dimmed Vision THE LIGHTS GO OUT South Africans struggled to come to terms with a strange new lexicon. Terms like ‘rolling blackouts’, In 2008, South Africa’s lights went out. -
Intergovernmental Relations Policy Framework
INTERGOVERNMENTAL AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 1 POLICY : INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS POLICY FRAMEWORK Item CL 285/2002 PROPOSED INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS POLICY FRAMEWORK MC 05.12.2002 RESOLVED: 1. That the report of the Strategic Executive Director: City Development Services regarding a proposed framework to ensure sound intergovernmental relations between the EMM, National and Provincial Government, neighbouring municipalities, the S A Cities Network, organised local government and bulk service providers, BE NOTED AND ACCEPTED. 2. That all Departments/Portfolios of the EMM USE the Intergovernmental Relations Policy Framework to develop and implement mechanisms, processes and procedures to ensure sound intergovernmental relations and TO SUBMIT a policy and programme in this regard to the Speaker for purposes of co-ordination and approval by the Mayoral Committee. 3. That the Director: Communications and Marketing DEVELOP a policy on how to deal with intergovernmental delegations visiting the Metro, with specific reference to intergovernmental relations and to submit same to the Mayoral Committee for consideration. 4. That intergovernmental relations BE INCORPORATED as a key activity in the lOP Business Plans of all Departments of the EMM. 5. That the Ekurhuleni Intergovernmental Multipurpose Centre Steering Committee INCORPORATE the principles contained in the Intergovernmental Relations Framework as part of the policy on multipurpose centres to be formulated as contemplated in Mayoral Committee Resolution (Item LED 21-2002) of 3 October 2002. 6. That the City Manager, in consultation with the Strategic Executive Director: City Development Services, FINALISE AND APPROVE the officials to represent the EMM at the Technical Working Groups of the S A Cities Network. 7. That the Strategic Executive Director: City Development SUBMIT a further report to the Mayoral Committee regarding the necessity of participation of the Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Municipality and its Portfolios/Departments on public bodies, institutions and organisations. -
Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?
Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa? Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard To cite this version: Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard. Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa?: Elites, Networks and Governing Styles (1985-2003). IFAS Working Paper Series / Les Cahiers de l’ IFAS, 2006, 8, p. 13-37. hal-00799193 HAL Id: hal-00799193 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00799193 Submitted on 11 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Ten Years of Democratic South Africa transition Accomplished? by Aurelia WA KABWE-SEGATTI, Nicolas PEJOUT and Philippe GUILLAUME Les Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IFAS / IFAS Working Paper Series is a series of occasional working papers, dedicated to disseminating research in the social and human sciences on Southern Africa. Under the supervision of appointed editors, each issue covers a specifi c theme; papers originate from researchers, experts or post-graduate students from France, Europe or Southern Africa with an interest in the region. The views and opinions expressed here remain the sole responsibility of the authors. Any query regarding this publication should be directed to the chief editor. Chief editor: Aurelia WA KABWE – SEGATTI, IFAS-Research director. -
Submission and Executive Summary Submission Submission
SUBMISSION AND EXECUTIVE SUMMARY SUBMISSION SUBMISSION SUBMISSION OF THE ANNUAL REPORT TO THE EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY To the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma; I have the honour of presenting the 2002/03 Annual Report of the Department of Foreign Affairs. 2 3 Annual Report 2002/2003 Annual Report 2002/2003 DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA SUBMISSION SUBMISSION Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma. 2 3 Annual Report 2002/2003 Annual Report 2002/2003 DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SOUTH AFRICA EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY BY THE ACTING DIRECTOR-GENERAL OUR DEPARTMENT, IN COLLABORATION WITH OUR SISTER DEPARTMENTS in African region, remained the core focus of our foreign policy. the International Relations, Peace and Security Cluster, has over To give practical expression to our foreign policy objectives the the past year worked extensively in many very important areas priority areas for the Department’s work included: in pursuit of our foreign policy goals. At the same time we have • African Renaissance had to adjust our focus to a global environment that has been – Launch and operationalise the African Union (AU); fundamentally changed by the seminal events of 11 September – Restructure the Southern African Development Community 2001 and the war against Iraq. (SADC) and the Southern African Customs Union (SACU); During the period 2002/03, our foreign policy programmes – Implement the New Partnership for Africa’s Development were aimed at supporting the rapid delivery of basic needs to our (NEPAD); people; developing human resources; building the economy and • Peace, stability and security; and creating jobs; combating crime and corruption; transforming the • Economic development and co-operation. -
The New Cabinet
Response May 30th 2019 The New Cabinet President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet contains quite a number of bold and unexpected appointments, and he has certainly shifted the balance in favour of female and younger politicians. At the same time, a large number of mediocre ministers have survived, or been moved sideways, while some of the most experienced ones have been discarded. It is significant that the head of the ANC Women’s League, Bathabile Dlamini, has been left out – the fact that her powerful position within the party was not enough to keep her in cabinet may be indicative of the President’s growing strength. She joins another Zuma loyalist, Nomvula Mokonyane, on the sidelines, but other strong Zuma supporters have survived. Lindiwe Zulu, for example, achieved nothing of note in five years as Minister of Small Business Development, but has now been given the crucial portfolio of social development; and Nathi Mthethwa has been given sports in addition to arts and culture. The inclusion of Patricia de Lille was unforeseen, and it will be fascinating to see how, as one of the more outspokenly critical opposition figures, she works within the framework of shared cabinet responsibility. Ms de Lille has shown herself willing to change parties on a regular basis and this appointment may presage her absorbtion into the ANC. On the other hand, it may also signal an intention to experiment with a more inclusive model of government, reminiscent of the ‘government of national unity’ that Nelson Mandela favoured. During her time as Mayor of Cape Town Ms de Lille emphasised issues of spatial planning and land-use, and this may have prompted Mr Ramaphosa to entrust her with management of the Department of Public Works’ massive land and property holdings. -
Volume 40 2013 Issue
Review of African Political Economy, 2013 Vol. 40, No. 138, 653–654 BOOK REVIEW The fate of Sudan: the origins and process they eventually came to control. consequences of a flawed peace process, They had their own preconceptions of by John Young, London, Zed Books, what needed to be done and prescriptions 2012, xx + 388 pp., £16.99, ISBN of how to do it. These are prescribed in 9781780323251 the handbooks of peace negotiations as (a) peace-making negotiations aimed to achieve the cessation of hostilities; (b) Peace is more than cessation of military peace-building to create a stable state on hostilities, more than simple political the western liberal democratic model. stability. Peace is the presence of justice, These are seen in a sequential process, and peace-building entails addressing all factors and forces that stand as impedi- and the established procedure is to focus ments to the realization of all human on peace-making first and worry about rights for all human beings. (Bendan˜a state building afterwards. Critics have 2003) dubbed the first as ‘negative peace’ and the second as ‘positive peace’. The fate of This statement, quoted by John Young at Sudan argues that, in this case at least, the beginning of The fate of Sudan (1), afterwards is already too late for state sets out unambiguously the issue the book building along lines of democratic trans- deals with: the ultimate failure of the formation essential to stability, hence the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) flawed peace process in the subtitle. concluded in Sudan in 2005 to set the foun- The flaws in the CPA story are many, dations of sustainable peace. -
Objecting to Apartheid
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by South East Academic Libraries System (SEALS) OBJECTING TO APARTHEID: THE HISTORY OF THE END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGN By DAVID JONES Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the subject HISTORY At the UNIVERSITY OF FORT HARE SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR GARY MINKLEY JANUARY 2013 I, David Jones, student number 200603420, hereby declare that I am fully aware of the University of Fort Hare’s policy on plagiarism and I have taken every precaution to comply with the regulations. Signature…………………………………………………………… Abstract This dissertation explores the history of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) and evaluates its contribution to the struggle against apartheid. The ECC mobilised white opposition to apartheid by focussing on the role of the military in perpetuating white rule. By identifying conscription as the price paid by white South Africans for their continued political dominance, the ECC discovered a point of resistance within apartheid discourse around which white opposition could converge. The ECC challenged the discursive constructs of apartheid on many levels, going beyond mere criticism to the active modeling of alternatives. It played an important role in countering the intense propaganda to which all white South Africans were subject to ensure their loyalty, and in revealing the true nature of the conflict in the country. It articulated the dis-ease experienced by many who were alienated by the dominant culture of conformity, sexism, racism and homophobia. By educating, challenging and empowering white citizens to question the role of the military and, increasingly, to resist conscription it weakened the apartheid state thus adding an important component to the many pressures brought to bear on it which, in their combination, resulted in its demise.