May 6, 1994

May 6, 1994 CAMPAIGN UPDATE # 4 "Free at last" A Project of The Africa Fund African National Congress Wins 's First Democratic Election The African National Congress (ANC) has won a significant victory in South Africa's first non-racial democratic election. The ANC has won a strong majority in the national parliament and control of seven of the nine provincial legislatures. will be elected President of South Africa by the new Parliament on Monday, May 9. In his victory speech, Nelson Mandela thanked the people of South Africa and the world for their long struggle against and stressed the need to implement the ANC platform on national reconstruction and development. According to figures announced today by the Independent Electoral Commission, the ANC has won 62.65% of the votes for the national parliament, which will also serve as a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution. The National Party received 20.39% and Inkatha 10.54%. This will give the ANC 252 seats in the 400 member parliament, the National Party 82 seats and Inkatha 43 seats. In addition, the Freedom Front won 2.17% ( 9 seats), the Democratic Party 1.73% (7 seats), the PAC 1.25% (5 seats) and African Christian Democratic Party 0.45% (2 seats). The ANC also won control of seven of the nine provincial legislatures. The National Party won control of the legislature of Western Cape province with 53.25%, compared to 33.01% for the ANC and 6.64% for the Democratic Party. The results in Kwazulu/Natal province, where Inkatha won a small majority of 50.8% and the ANC 32%, were much more controversial. Both the ANC and Inkatha claimed widespread election fraud. The ANC claims that Inkatha set up illegal voting stations and refused ANC, monitors and international observers access in many places. The final results have been resolved by negotiations between the ANC, Inkatha and the Independent Electoral Commission. This will give Inkatha 41 seats, the ANC 29. the National Party 9, the Democratic Party 2 and the PAC 1. Enclosed are reports from Africa Fund Executive Director Jennifer Davis and Projects Director Dumisani Kumalo who were official observers. 198 Broadway New York, NY 10038 Tel: 212.962.1210

FINAL RESULTS SOUTH AFRICAN ELECTION National Results: Percenta2e of Votes Cast and National Assembly Seat Allocations African National Congress: 62.65% / 252 seats National Party: 20.39% / 82 seats : 10.54% / 43 seats Freedom Front: 2.17% / 9 seats Democratic Party: 1.73 % / 7 seats Pan Africanist Congress: 1.25% / 5 seats African Christian Democratic Party: .45% / 2 seats Total Seats: 400 Cabinet Appointments: Parties with 5 % or more of the national vote are entitled to a proportional share of cabinet posts. The following posts have been assigned thus far. President: Nelson Mandela Executive Vice President: Second Vice President: F.W. de Klerk Foreign Affairs: Alfred Nzo Welfare and Housing: Defense: Police: Sydney Mofumadi Prisons: Ahmed Kathrada Public Enterprises: Public Works: Justice: Arts and Culture: Trade and Industry: Labor: Health: Nkosazana Zuma Transport: Provincial: Constitutional: Reconstruction and Development: Finance: Re2ional Results The ANC will control 7 of 9 Regional Parliaments, losing the Western Cape to the National Party and Natal/KwaZulu to the Inkatha Freedom Party. Regions are: Western Cape, Northern Cape, Eastern Cape, Natal/KwaZulu, Orange Free State, PWV, Northwest, Eastern Transvaal, Northern Transvaal. May 9, 1994

A Project of From Jennifer Davis The Africa Fund Johannesburg, 2nd May 1994 11:00 PM I have been at my first ever Presidential acceptance speech party - and what a party! I arrived just before 7 PM - crowds not yet arrived. It was in the Carlton Hotel ballroom, where at about 9 PM Thabo Mbeki, ANC National Chairperson, introduced Nelson Mandela. As we waited the mood was wonderful - lots of our old friends - who hugged and kissed me and kept saying over and over "thank you", "we couldn't have done it without you". The newly elected ANC parliamentarian introduced me to someone as the pillar of the U.S. anti-apartheid movement. , ANC Secretary General, asked Dumisani to find me and bring me over. COSATU's found me a glass of champagne after the speech was over - and said, more explicitly than anyone else, "It's great, it's great, but don't stop now. We'll be back asking you for more help." The mood kept building, and the room filling. The walls were lined American style with TV sets, but not the huge screen ones, and with thousands of black, yellow and gold balloons. On my way in, driving, I heard on the car radio De Klerk's concession speech and pledge to keep working in a government of National Unity. Interestingly he spoke mostly in English, only switching to Afrikaans when he talked of his pledge to ensure the values dear to his people and party, family values and religion, etc. When Mandela spoke he was strong voiced although he had a cold. 'When I saw my Doctor early this morning he told me not to use my voice for today and tomorrow and so in two days my cold will be better! So I ask you, please, don't disclose to my Doctor that I am talking to you here." He said he had received calls from many leaders in the last few hours including, F. W. de Kierk, General Constandt Viljoen, leader of Freedom Front; Dr. Zach de Beer of the Democratic Party and Johnson Mlambo, Vice-President of PAC - all congratulating him for the strong showing of the ANC. To the people of the world and the anti-apartheid struggle, President Mandela announced, 'This is indeed a joyous night for the human spirit. This is your victory, too. You helped end apartheid, you stood with us through the transition." 198 Broadway New York, NY 10038 Tel: 212.962.1210

He in turn congratulated de Kierk and the others in receiving five percent of the votes counted thus far. "I want to congratulate [de Klerk] for the many days, weeks and months and the four years that we have worked together, quarreled, addressed sensitive problems and at the end of our heated exchanges were able to shake hands and to drink coffee." President Mandela also expressed that he was looking forward to discussions with the leaders of liberation movements. He stressed collective leadership and referred to Freedom Charter. He saluted some of South Africa's great leaders, John Dube, G. M. Naicker, Dr. Abduraman, Bram Fisher, Helen Joseph, Chris Hani and . "They should have been here to celebrate with us for this is their achievement too." He emphasized that tomorrow will be back to work to get South Africa working. 'This means creating jobs, building houses, providing education and bringing peace and security for all. This is going to be the acid test of the Government of National Unity." To fulfill the promise of the Reconstruction and Development Program is a sign of trust that the government must give its people. "It was a program which was developed by the masses of the people themselves in people's forums." He called on all South Africans to celebrate the birth of a new nation, but the celebration must be peaceful, respectful and disciplined. It is now a time to heal. After Mandela's speech, Thabo Mbeki said, "The new State President talked about drinking coffee with de Klerk but now I want him to drink a glass of champagne." They popped the cork, the crowd went wild, then everyone broke out in song. It was party time. "We did it, we did it," was heard all around me. Hundreds of people were hugging and kissing, waving little ANC and new South African flags. People were also dancing around the room. It was a beautiful sight. Very very special.

A Project of May 5, 1994 Tho Africa Fund LETTER FROM JOHANNESBURG... FROM DUMISANI S. KUMALO April 26.. At a dilapidated school in Soweto, a long line of 80 and 90 year old men and women began forming long before sunrise. The dark, chilly autumn morning did not bother any of these people. Neither was their fragile and trembling limbs or their fading eye-sight enough to keep them away. 'Why are you here, Gogo," I ask an 85 year old woman. She reminds me of my mother who died without ever voting. *We are here for Mandela. We are going to put him in the box," she says as the other grey heads around her nod agreement. It does not matter to them that they have never seen a ballot box ever in their lives. Meanwhile, I am feeling guilty for having talked to this old lady because she has disclosed who she would vote for. The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) warned us not to ask anyone who they would vote for. "Gogo, you are not supposed to tell me or anyone else who you are going to vote for," I say. "She is just telling you we are here for Mandela. Every one knows that," says an old man with eyes almost shut with blindness. Again, all those around us shake their heads in agreement. So much for vote secrecy. Inside the polling station another old lady is sitting at the Presiding Officer's table. Monitors, observers and party agents have been summoned to be with her. "My child, I can't see anymore. I want you to put my cross next to Mandela's face. I am here to put Mandela in the box," she says to the Presiding Officer who immediately complies by marking the ballot as requested by the voter. He hands it back to the old lady. 198 Broadway New York, NY 10038 Tel: 212.962.1210

She squints her gray eyes and tries to see the cross in the box next to Mandela's picture. But her sight is almost gone. "Can anyone tell me if this boy put my cross next to Mandela? I don't believe this boy did the right thing," she asks loudly. We confirm to her that the officer did as she wished. The old lady remains quiet for a while. Then she tries again to see her vote without success. There are hundreds of other old people waiting outside. No one knows how many would require similar assistance. There is fear that voting might go into the night. There are no lights in this voting station. The following morning, April 27, I arrived at 6:15am at Holy Cross Church in Soweto. This was where I came to vote for Mandela. In fact, I cast my vote for my father and my mother who died without knowing this day would be ever possible. I also was voting for my son Mandla who couldn't be here to put Mandela in the box for himself. I also did it for Father Theo Rakale who for many years was the minister at Holy Cross. He spoke out against apartheid when it was dangerous and deadly to do so. Many of my generation were molded as freedom fighters by Father Rakale. It is about 9:30 pm on the night of May 2. I am standing on a chair watching Nelson Mandela accept a landslide victory as the first democratically elected president South Africa has ever known. Next to me is my colleague and boss, Jennifer Davis, also standing on another fancy chair fit to sit an executive or a king. For forty years of apartheid, I would never have been allowed to sit on this chair let alone plant my dusty soles on it. That is if I was even allowed through the doors of this hotel. But on this night, no one cares about the damage to the furniture. Actually, no one cares about anything. Through smiles, tears and screams, we finally know why some of us went into exile, jail and even the grave. This was the moment we sacrificed for. The ballroom at the Carlton Hotel is crowded with people from all walks of life Blacks, whites, foreigners, Mkhonto soldiers, business people and so on. Even the waiters have stopped serving drinks. This is the moment our parents and ancestors never saw. We are not prepared to miss anything about it. "You can proclaim from rooftops: free at last," says President Mandela. Big women and men weep without shame. I cannot help but think about the semi-blind old lady in Soweto. She said she put Mandela in the box. She was right. Now he is coming out as President Mandela. On the television screen along the wall, a 97 year old woman is telling a reporter, "Now I can die in peace." I now know I will forever live in peace... THE NEW YORK TIMES OP-ED FRIDAY MAY 6, 1994 A Project of The Africa Fund Abroad at Home ANTHONY LEWIS Help From Outside I BOSTON Nelson Mandela will become president of a new South Africa because of what he and other South Africans did. It was mainly an internal struggle that led to the extraordinary denouement we have been seeing. But outside pressure did help. That is worth remembering at a time when we are called upon to consider the effectiveness and the desirability of economic sanctions against governments that violate human rights, from Haiti to China. Until quite recently the outside .world cared little about South Africa. From the beginning of apartheid in 1948 through the bannings and detentions and killings of the 1950's and 1960's, South Africa did not register on the Richter scale of American politics. The first American political leader who showed real interest was Robert Kennedy. In a trip to South Africa in 1966 he challenged the tyranny and fear that then had the country in their grip. At a time when few diplomats visited black townships or entertained black leaders, Senator Kennedy identified with the black majority and with all the victims of repression. Many South Africans, black and white, have told me that he gave them courage to fight injustice - and reason to believe that some in the outside world would care. The most significant pressure from outside came from boycotts and sanctions. The first was the sports boycott. started by Dennis Brutus, an exiled South African poet. It led to the exclusion of South Africa from the Olympics and other events - which hurt because South Africans care about sports. In the 1960's the American Committee on Africa, from its small office in New York, began campaigning for economic sanctions. Its director, Jennifer Davis, a friend who should not on that account be omitted, persevered for 30 years against indifference and furious resistance. The sanctions campaign, supported especially by churches and students, made headway at universities and in cities and states with large pension Sanctions aided South Africa. funds. Banks were pressed to stop lending to South Africa. In the 1980's TransAfrica, headed by Randall Robinson, dramatized the sanctions idea in Washington. Today Mr. Robinson is fasting to protest U.S. policy on Haiti. In 1986 Congress passed the AntiApartheid Act over President Reagan's veto - in good part because a group of conservative Republicans led by Representative Vin Weber of Minnesota supported it. Nelson Mandela has called the act's comprehensive ecooomic sanctions a crucial piece of outside pressure. Not all conservatives were as clear-sighted as Vin Weber and his colleagues. President Reagan spoke warmly of the South African Government; his Administration even tried to deport Dennis Brutus from the United States. Henry Kissinger advised President Nixon to soften America's "stance toward white regimes" in southern Africa, and Mr. Nixon took the advice. Some Americans insisted in the teeth of reality that the African National Congress did not speak for most South Africans. As late as 1990 the provost of Boston University, Jon Westling; rebuked a school superintendent for praising Nelson Mandela; Mr. Mandela, he said, "has thrown in his lot with the killers." But even some people who really opposed apartheid pooh-poohed sanctions as ineffective or harmful to blacks. But of course the black victims of apartheid mostly wanted sanctions. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher blocked Commonwealth support for sanctions. Instead the Commonwealth, in 1986, sent a mission to South Africa that saw Nelson Mandela in prison and found him "unmarked by any trace of bitterness." Then the Thatcher Government's Ambassador, Sir Robin Renwick, played an important part in persuading President F. W. de Klerk and his colleagues to release the political prisoners and negotiate. Sir Robin is now the Ambassador in Washington. If people of good will in the outside world had understood earlier the importance of change in South Africa, and how sanctions could help bring it about, much misery would have been avoided and many lives spared. But it is also true that, with different leaders on either side, change might have been even later and bloodier. Late as it is, what has been achieved now is reason for celebration. 0 198 Broadway New York, NY 10038 Tet: 212.962.1210

INDEPENDSN- ON SUqDAky 6 RAY 2994 A Project of The Africa Fund Power changes hands in new SA provinces 'Terror' and the judge finally meet as equals THE L~AST time Tra Lz..Cta bowed to a jeoigc was iti 19885 *bten he wab acittenced to L) yeane ic jail for hi. treason1. Yesterday moallila he bowed 4'Gthis time to a judge who ned ;.-st doclared bins premier of zbz Orange Free Starc. The ircuag ws the Raad sani, the council hall1. in Bk-,mn taritetLn 3ifiboie seat ox Ahxikaner power in the Fre ' Ste Ce slnct the antwi at the fiwst settlerii in 1839. Ibe ccA sion was twe fLLt sittike of ttt:orovanct ! first democratic Ics islatuxr, 24 of who=e clocte-i Zept(sCltfatiVeb - 0! a total C-1 30 - were members of the A., -ican Satioiial Coneress. Thc order of proceedinw.5 was 54t out in a 17.page doc;, .mcnt. This is how it began: L) 09:55S Be&r Wi twid 10.10. 1.2. 10:00 7he Sexea,:s-at-Anna (Mr Mcwen) w*h the MA1cot fallowea by tile ChwuperiV14 J ='adn ail4 the Table Ausro, (Mr Mfahse) em,'p :hs ChamPlc' fronihe i'l hinsid of hehar ito provisionalseewury 1(Mi Nor. ater) and :he Relwimf offiess7 0M4' sapdbcrr Mis' gai Torl and Mrs Buffl ftr, t.#- c k lils side of she 0har L-3 The Seena-Am "nrJ.Oice the Chawrersomn si Pilo". '77M Rcveaoule Vr .aT&Wsce Lrchterbrz~Jl. Faaiawis of Wie (rnr he~ &wi:ePrvi -Di', oj ti Spremae - isn - . A1ind w on. Id~ntici s ea flieb were Pcr orrr-eis yei'rOWv morning an eight of South Aa ca' i nine proviztcew tne ni~iuh. Frown John Carlin in Bocemnfonter' XW&ZUlu*-Nara, Will bold its first parlianientary sittn on Wednesday, Ille day altr ,Nd son MAndela is inaugurated as prasadeat in Prc:ona.If all you had to go an1 yeste4. day ia Bloctrionteat was the document of proceedings you would have been hard-pressedl to bolieve that .ont.%incd here was a record of one of the irost Mmntous po'.titea traisfar. stations the world has wit. nessed. Issdr the august chamber tutlf - wood panels. high white ceilL, stained glass - the mood offered no suS~estican that a reolution was afoot. Mf Justic Lich'tenberg, in black robes,, sat on me chair at one end of the cilamber with Two rows of hbonounable aneibets" to Wis right and, Across an epyspace directly in front of h=tomote rows of hotourable members to his left. Ail the won wore dah, suits& the sevei women dresses. Two of the 24 ANC members were white, Al. fikeners both. tbe rest black. The oppositiona was represiented by four National Parry moo and a mnan and a woman from thle riht-wing Freedom Front. Tle judge swore in each of the 30 lergislators and proceeded briskly to the high poirit of the ceremony. the induction of .%r Lek=z as prernior. Tat partiamcrnway leader of the National Painy. Louis vim der Watt. stood up to congratulate h~o, and Lbht more senior of the two Freedoin Front mean- bets Abrie Oosteriu~, fol. lawed .Ult. "Mr Lrekota and l.' Wi Oosternuys said, --navc bout been tront.row rugb~y forwards in our time, and frCom uow we will play'~ (in ii different field. There will be i-4ny mailhs but I hope he %;ail not take it personally because ! act for the goals or my people, the Afrilkaners.' Mr Lvkc,1U smuled, -nodded. took notes- Few people. irnludinag his ANC comrades. know his real name is k?3tnica -Terror" was wnat thecy called bun on the footbwll field in bis youth. At 45. Mr Lek=r is a stout hundle of energy -tpparently anaffected by an eight. year stint on RObben Islaind with Mr Mandlel." aaaterous daentions without trial during the; 1980s. and another vcear in j"i after hWs conviction for treaason. He was freed ons appeal in December V)9&. Slocinfonteara - Soutb Africa's judiciWl capital - waa where the appeal w%:, heard, where the AN C wait fouanded in 1912 andI where yesterday Mr Le~kout dzclsred- "I d3 hereby swear to be raithful to the Republic of Southi Africu and urs' dertake before those assemibled bore to hold may office as M.e utter of ray province wth benour and dignity." After %he ceremony a whitehaired gentleman namaed (Ass klumAn stood in the centre of the chazilaef shaking his head. "I can't quite believe it. Ut's just stirting to rilter ahrouvii in,' brain that all of 2 studdcn %%ore in a tree GemvocracN,' he s~itd. Mr Humnan is .t farmer,, a raember- ,.% tate Dutrrn Reformed Clw-.rcn, a rcspe~tcd memaber ot nts community in Harnsilutb ana .r vie3V be:. since 1992. of tric AN~C. Chiirmed finst amW tncr: pct. suaded by NUi Loi-ozw. se deC~d* ed te tinic lmQ a oe to shed the Prejudic:~ ort has past andi joan httcai& isrte PUt.. ith future,.Iriv, tably his hvot sc i been bombed aina h.-i children harassed. out :rrn nouw mi '.1e will sit safiey in tae Ifront row Of thte provincil prthantent. ,Mr H~uman Stepd out~idt in~to the flrial.* Wcon ,Ulihght to hav~e bit picture tatKen withi his black cainriille. and ?flcn strolled offi with tarin oast tht Saturday m orning ritop'pers tor U celebrationl lunch is! W&e lh F Verwoerd ouilding, idadiinalive heart of the free S:31e. Varwoerd, prime mittaiter froin 1956 to 11V66. was to spartrcid what Lenin was to ccoinlunam. Oficioust white civil scrs'anta. and smilung while policmen usbercii Mr Leloa'si parry into tfle. huilduaig as it Srkyiig. }lere is power, here 13 Inc tt:ae it, it's your." .A hilge statue Oft Vcrwotf(d guairded the entrance, in u, tradernark --an at granite" pose: stiffly upright, et apart fists oil hips, stern-paLwed, ty0s staring into the ar-tance where, botuidless ad bare, thle lone and evei utrids Wr blaarmid 6tietched far away. John Ilumphrys, page 21 198 Broadway New York, NY 10038 'Tel: 212.962.1210