End of Communism, USSR & Yugoslavia
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Whither Communism: a Comparative Perspective on Constitutionalism in a Postsocialist Cuba Jon L
University of Florida Levin College of Law UF Law Scholarship Repository UF Law Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 2009 Whither Communism: A Comparative Perspective on Constitutionalism in a Postsocialist Cuba Jon L. Mills University of Florida Levin College of Law, [email protected] Daniel Ryan Koslosky Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/facultypub Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Jon Mills & Daniel Ryan Koslosky, Whither Communism: A Comparative Perspective on Constitutionalism in a Postsocialist Cuba, 40 Geo. Wash. Int'l L. Rev. 1219 (2009), available at, http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/facultypub/522 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at UF Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UF Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UF Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHITHER COMMUNISM: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON CONSTITUTIONALISM IN A POSTSOCIALIST CUBA JON MILLS* AND DANIEL RYAN KOSLOSIc4 I. INTRODUCTION ........................................ 1220 II. HISTORY AND BACKGROUND ............................ 1222 A. Cuban ConstitutionalLaw .......................... 1223 1. Precommunist Legacy ........................ 1223 2. Communist Constitutionalism ................ 1225 B. Comparisons with Eastern Europe ................... 1229 1. Nationalizations in Eastern Europe ........... 1230 2. Cuban Expropriations ........................ 1231 III. MODES OF CONSTITUTIONALISM: A SCENARIO ANALYSIS. 1234 A. Latvia and the Problem of ConstitutionalInheritance . 1236 1. History, Revolution, and Reform ............. 1236 2. Resurrecting an Ancien Rgime ................ 1239 B. Czechoslovakia and Poland: Revolutions from Below .. 1241 1. Poland's Solidarity ........................... 1241 2. Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution ........... 1244 3. New Constitutionalism ....................... 1248 C. Hungary's GradualDecline and Decay .............. -
Re: Protocol No. 60)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified November 27, 1956 Working Notes from the Session of the CPSU CC Presidium on 27 November 1956 (Re: Protocol No. 60) Citation: “Working Notes from the Session of the CPSU CC Presidium on 27 November 1956 (Re: Protocol No. 60),” November 27, 1956, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, TsKhSD, F. 3, Op. 12, D. 1006, L. 52, compiled by V. N. Chernukha. Published in CWIHP Bulletin 8-9, p. 400 http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111892 Summary: These notes (part of the Malin Collection) describe Romanian leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej’s decision to negotiate with Yugoslavia regarding the fate of Imre Nagy after his arrest and transfer to Romania. The notes state that negotiations are inadvisable and remain the responsibility of Hungary. A second section of the document refers to instructions to the KGB for discrediting Nagy. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Working Notes from the Session of the CPSU CC Presidium on 27 November 1956 (Re: Protocol No. 60)(1) I. From Bucharest. (Khr., Vorosh., Kagan., Mik., Mol., Perv., Bulg., Sab., Zhuk., Grom.) It's not advisable.(2) We should inform Dej that this is not to our advantage, and is not to the advantage of Hungary. Cde. Bulg. is to negotiate with Cde. Dej.(3) Zhukov—we should state our view of the position of the Yugoslavs. Khr.—we don't need to enter into correspondence with Tito about Imre Nagy; that's a matter for Hungary to handle. It was a mistake for our officer to go into the bus.(4) II.(5) Instructions to: The Foreign Ministry KGB, and On the discrediting of Imre.(6) Konev Translator Notes 1 These notes were compiled by Malin's deputy, Vladimir Naumovich Chernukha, not by Malin himself. -
Twenty Years After the Iron Curtain: the Czech Republic in Transition Zdeněk Janík March 25, 2010
Twenty Years after the Iron Curtain: The Czech Republic in Transition Zdeněk Janík March 25, 2010 Assistant Professor at Masaryk University in the Czech Republic n November of last year, the Czech Republic commemorated the fall of the communist regime in I Czechoslovakia, which occurred twenty years prior.1 The twentieth anniversary invites thoughts, many times troubling, on how far the Czechs have advanced on their path from a totalitarian regime to a pluralistic democracy. This lecture summarizes and evaluates the process of democratization of the Czech Republic’s political institutions, its transition from a centrally planned economy to a free market economy, and the transformation of its civil society. Although the political and economic transitions have been largely accomplished, democratization of Czech civil society is a road yet to be successfully traveled. This lecture primarily focuses on why this transformation from a closed to a truly open and autonomous civil society unburdened with the communist past has failed, been incomplete, or faced numerous roadblocks. HISTORY The Czech Republic was formerly the Czechoslovak Republic. It was established in 1918 thanks to U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and his strong advocacy for the self-determination of new nations coming out of the Austro-Hungarian Empire after the World War I. Although Czechoslovakia was based on the concept of Czech nationhood, the new nation-state of fifteen-million people was actually multi- ethnic, consisting of people from the Czech lands (Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia), Slovakia, Subcarpathian Ruthenia (today’s Ukraine), and approximately three million ethnic Germans. Since especially the Sudeten Germans did not join Czechoslovakia by means of self-determination, the nation- state endorsed the policy of cultural pluralism, granting recognition to the various ethnicities present on its soil. -
The Beginning of the Berlin Wall Erin Honseler, Halie Mitchell, Max Schuetze, Callie Wheeler March 10, 2009
Group 8 Final Project 1 The Beginning of the Berlin Wall Erin Honseler, Halie Mitchell, Max Schuetze, Callie Wheeler March 10, 2009 For twenty-eight years an “iron curtain” divided East and West Berlin in the heart of Germany. Many events prior to the actual construction of the Wall caused East Germany’s leader Erich Honecker to demand the Wall be built. Once the Wall was built the cultural gap between East Germany and West Germany broadened. During the time the Wall stood many people attempted to cross the border illegally without much success. This caused a very unstable relationship between the government of the West (Federal Republic of Germany) and the government of the East (German Democratic Republic). In this paper we will discuss events leading up to the construction of the Berlin Wall, the government that was responsible for the construction of the Wall, how it divided Germany, and how some people tried to escape from the East to the West. Why the Berlin Wall Was Built In order to understand why the Berlin Wall was built, we must first look at the events leading up to the actual construction of the Wall in 1961. In the Aftermath of World War II Germany was split up into four different zones; each zone was controlled by a different country. The western half was split into three different sectors: the British sector, the American sector and the French sector. The Eastern half was controlled by the Soviet Union. Eventually, the three western occupiers unified their three zones and became what is known as the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). -
The Superpowers: a Soviet Perspective
Commentary Karen Brutents Europe Between the Superpowers: A Soviet Perspective Robert Hutchings writes that the end of the cold war resulted from ‘‘the interaction between super- power relations and developments in Europe’’ and ‘‘was not some- thing bestowed on Europe by U.S. and Soviet leaders, but neither was it something that Europe could have achieved on its own.’’ Nevertheless, he suggests that the accurate term for these events is ‘‘self-liberation.’’ Indeed, the emergence of the popular and opposition move- ments ultimately served as the major factor in the liberation of Eastern Europe. The materials at our disposal show that the effect of perestroika in the Soviet Union, along with Mikhail Gorba- chev’s policy line and practical steps, played a decisive role in trans- forming latent discontent into a mass movement in the majority of Eastern European nations. Even in Poland and Hungary, where democratic demonstrations were more active, the Communist re- gimes still maintained a foothold. That foothold was particularly firm in Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia. As for the German Demo- cratic Republic (GDR), a key country in the Warsaw Treaty Orga- nization, its citizens began to rise up only when it became clear that Gorbachev not only sympathized with them but would never allow the use of force against them. Before that, most of them re- mained silent, apparently out of guilt rooted in World War II and a related fear that disturbances in the GDR might cause the Russians and their troops stationed in Germany to seek revenge. It is also ................. 16548$ COM5 11-06-07 10:07:58 PS PAGE 218 Europe Between the Superpowers: A Soviet Perspective 219 possible that some of the intelligentsia were restrained by a sense of responsibility and an understanding that the use of force in the GDR could lead to a global military confrontation. -
29 March 1961 SPEECH DELIVERED by COMRADE TODOR ZHIVKOV
Parallel History Project on Cooperative Security (PHP) January 2008 Records of the Political Consultative Committee, 1955-1991 www.php.isn.ethz.ch Edited by Douglas Selvage and Vojtech Mastny Draft – 29 March 1961 SPEECH 1 DELIVERED BY COMRADE TODOR ZHIVKOV AT THE MEETING OF THE POLITICAL CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE OF THE WARSAW TREATY COUNTRIES HELD IN MOSCOW, 28 – 29 MARCH 1961 Comrades, First of all, I would like to express my gratitude on behalf of the delegation of the People’s Republic of Bulgaria to the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet government for initiating this meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Treaty countries, and to state that we believe it is very timely, necessary and beneficial. This meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Treaty countries is taking place nearly four months after the Moscow meeting of representatives from the communist and workers parties. Clearly, our work today will be influenced by the Moscow meeting, by the thorough analysis of the current international situation and the correlation of forces in the international arena, by the theoretical and political conclusions, assessments and common positions on important issues decided upon at the Moscow meeting. Obviously, we should consider the comments of Comrade [Nikita] Khrushchev, who repeatedly underlined that we should protect ourselves from being blackmailed by the imperialists and involved in a war; that we need to strengthen the socialist camp and its defensive capabilities and be prepared to prevent any attempt to start a war. Considering the new capabilities of modern weapons of mass destruction, it is very important not to let the enemy surprise us, to keep our armed forces combat-ready and always to take the initiative. -
Czechoslovak-Polish Relations 1918-1968: the Prospects for Mutual Support in the Case of Revolt
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1977 Czechoslovak-Polish relations 1918-1968: The prospects for mutual support in the case of revolt Stephen Edward Medvec The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Medvec, Stephen Edward, "Czechoslovak-Polish relations 1918-1968: The prospects for mutual support in the case of revolt" (1977). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5197. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5197 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CZECHOSLOVAK-POLISH RELATIONS, 191(3-1968: THE PROSPECTS FOR MUTUAL SUPPORT IN THE CASE OF REVOLT By Stephen E. Medvec B. A. , University of Montana,. 1972. Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1977 Approved by: ^ .'■\4 i Chairman, Board of Examiners raduat'e School Date UMI Number: EP40661 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. -
Honecker's Policy Toward the Federal Republic and West Berlin
Scholars Crossing Faculty Publications and Presentations Helms School of Government Spring 1976 Contrast and Continuity: Honecker’s Policy toward the Federal Republic and West Berlin Stephen R. Bowers Liberty University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs Part of the Other Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Bowers, Stephen R., "Contrast and Continuity: Honecker’s Policy toward the Federal Republic and West Berlin" (1976). Faculty Publications and Presentations. 86. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs/86 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Helms School of Government at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 308 STEPHEN R. BOWERS 36. Mamatey, pp. 280-286. 37. Ibid., pp. 342-343. CONTRAST AND CONTINUITY: 38. The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, Volume VIII (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954), p. 1364. 39. Robert Ferrell, 'The United States and East Central Europe Before 1941," in Kertesz, op. cit., p. 22. HONECKER'S POLICY 40. Ibid., p. 24. 41. William R. Caspary, 'The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review LXIV (June, 1970). 42. For discussion on this point see George Kennan, American Diplomacy (New York: Mentor Books, 1951); Walter Lippmann, The Public Philosophy (New York: Mentor Books, TOWARD THE FEDERAL 1955). 43. Gaddis, p. 179. 44. Martin Wei!, "Can the Blacks Do for Africa what the Jews Did for Israel?" Foreign Policy 15 (Summer, 1974), pp. -
October 02, 1958 T. Zhivkov's Report at the Bulgarian Plenary Session On
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 02, 1958 T. Zhivkov’s Report at the Bulgarian Plenary Session on the Middle East Crisis Citation: “T. Zhivkov’s Report at the Bulgarian Plenary Session on the Middle East Crisis,” October 02, 1958, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Archive of the Bulgarian Communist Party, Fond 1, Record 5, File 353. Document obtained by Dr. Jordan Baev; translated and edited by Dr. Momchil Metodiev and Kalin Kanchev. Obtained by the Bulgarian Cold War Research Group. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/113222 Summary: A report based on military intelligence information and on Zhivkov's conversation with the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. Original Language: Bulgarian Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document T. Zhivkov's report on the situation in the Middle East, October 2, 1958 Meeting Minutes OF CC BCP PLENUM, HELD ON OCTOBER 2 - 4, 1958 FIRST SESSION, OCTOBER 2, 1958 Presidium of the Plenum: Todor Zhivkov [1], Dimitar Ganev [2], Georgi Tzankov, Anton Yugov [3], Encho Staykov [4], Ivan Mihajlov [5], Boris Taskov [6], Rayko Damyanov [7], Boian Bulgaranov [8]. CHAIRMAN ANTON YUGOV: Enough CC members are present at the Plenum. Only twelve CC members are absent, some of them are abroad, some are unavailable; also seven CC Candidate members are absent. I declare the session open. The agenda is distributed to the comrades. The following items on the agenda are proposed: 1. Report on some issues of the international situation presented by comrade Todor Zhivkov. 2. Report on the political and organizational work in the Bulgarian Armed Forces presented by comrade Misho Mishev [9]. -
China's Fear of Contagion
China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S. -
International Conference Crimes of the Communist Regimes, Prague, 24–25 February 2010
International conference Crimes of the Communist Regimes an assessment by historians and legal experts proceedings Th e conference took place at the Main Hall of the Senate of the Parliament of the Czech Republic (24–25 February 2010), and at the Offi ce of the Government of the Czech Republic (26 February 2010) Th e publication of this book was kindly supported by the European Commission Representation in the Czech Republic. Th e European Commission Representation in the Czech Republic bears no responsibility for the content of the publication. © Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes, 2011 ISBN 978-80-87211-51-9 Th e conference was hosted by Jiří Liška, Vice-chairman of the Senate, Parliament of the Czech Republic and the Offi ce of the Government of the Czech Republic and organized by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes together with partner institutions from the working group on the Platform of European Memory and Conscience under the kind patronage of Jan Fischer Prime minister of the Czech Republic Miroslava Němcová First deputy chairwoman of the Chamber of Deputies, Parliament of the Czech Republic Heidi Hautala (Finland) Chairwoman of the Human Rights Subcommittee of the European Parliament Göran Lindblad (Sweden) President of the Political Aff airs Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and chairman of the Swedish delegation to PACE Sandra Kalniete (Latvia) former dissident, Member of the European Parliament Tunne Kelam (Estonia) former dissident, Member of the European Parliament -
November 10, 1989 Letter, General Secretary of the SED Egon Krenz to General Secretary of the CC CPSU Mikhail Gorbachev
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified November 10, 1989 Letter, General Secretary of the SED Egon Krenz to General Secretary of the CC CPSU Mikhail Gorbachev Citation: “Letter, General Secretary of the SED Egon Krenz to General Secretary of the CC CPSU Mikhail Gorbachev,” November 10, 1989, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, CWIHP Archives. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/118701 Summary: General Secretary Krentz reports to Gorbachev that East Germany has allowed GDR citizens to cross the border to West Berlin following mass protests at the Berlin Wall and its checkpoints. Of the 60,000 citizens who took advantage of the open border, reportedly 45,000 returned to East Germany after visiting the west. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation General Secretary CC CPSU comrade Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev Moscow Dear comrade Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev! In connection with the developments of the situation in GDR, tonight it became necessary to make a decision to permit the exit of citizens of the German Democratic Republic to West Berlin as well. A large gathering of people at the KPP [Kontrollpassierpunkt - checkpoint] to West Berlin demanded a quick decision from us. Denying passage to West Berlin could have led to serious consequences whose scale would become unforeseeable. The articles of the Quadripartite agreement on West Berlin does not bear on this decision, since permissions for exit into West Berlin to visit relatives have been given out up until now as well. Last night, about 60 thousand citizens of the GDR crossed the KPP into West Berlin.