Aspiring to Prosperity: The Economic Theology of Urban in Contemporary

Najib Kailani

A thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

School of Humanities and Social Sciences UNSW Canberra

September 2015 ii

ORIGINALITY STATEMENT

‘I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work except to the extent that assistance from others in the project’s design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.’

Signed ……………………

Date ……………………..

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Abstract

This study examines the dissemination of economic theology among urban Muslims in contemporary Indonesia. This “economic theology” emphasises the performance of Islamic devotional acts with a strong expectation that such performance will result in material wealth as its reward. It is promoted by the celebrity preacher, Yusuf Mansur, in various ways including popular book publication, televised Islamic sermons and movies. This study aims to answer the question of why and how economic theology is becoming widespread in Indonesian Muslim business circles. This study draws on six months ethnographic fieldwork among Muslim small business people, business start-ups, and university students in Yogyakarta and . It demonstrates that Muslim business people see economic theology as the best way to seek spiritual and material benefit. They adapt and promote this economic theology through business motivation seminars, book publication and . They suggest that economic theology encourages entrepreneurship, rather than a dependence of public sector employment as a future work preference. The widespread circulation of the economic theology among urban Muslims is associated with unemployment issues among university-educated Indonesian over the last decade. Most of university graduates in Indonesia have wished to work in the formal sectors, both government and non-government. However, the limited work opportunities in the formal sector have resulted in the growth of unemployment among the educated section of the Indonesian population. This study contributes to the growing scholarship on dissemination of Muslim religious authority in contemporary Indonesia and discussions of religion and secularisation. This study argues that the popularity of economic theology among the urbanites is due to its potentials to facilitate their aspirations for a prosperous life. Furthermore, this thesis has also shown that the circulation of economic theology is attributed to the activities of promoters on various levels. They include Muslim business people and their followers who promote economic theology through business motivation seminars, social media and publications.

iv

Acknowledgments

I am deeply indebted to many people and institutions who have assisted me in different ways to make this thesis possible. I am grateful to the

University of New South Wales which has provided me with University

International Postgraduate Awards (UIPA) scholarship to undertake this research project. My deepest gratitude goes to my supervisor Dr. Minako Sakai for her excellent, persistent and patient supervision. Her insightful comments and sharp intellect have helped me to clearly articulate the issues discussed in this thesis. Without her intellectual guidance, motivation and support this thesis would not have reached fruition. I would like also thank Dr. Nicolaas

Warouw as my co-supervisor who has always opened his door to discuss my thesis. His questions and comments have taught me to see my research project from different perspectives. I also thank Prof. David Lovell as Head of School and Associate Prof. Craig Stockings as the School’s research coordinator who has assisted me in many ways to support my study. My special thanks go to

Mr. Paul Tickell, who has meticulously proofread, corrected and refined my

English.

The School of Humanities and Social Science (HASS), UNSW

Canberra has been a very friendly research venue. I wish to thank Margaret

McGee, Bernadette McDermott, Marilyn Anderson-Smith and Shirley Ramsay for their hospitality and administrative support. I would like to make special mention of my postgraduate peers from whom I receive great support and v

encouragement: Falikul Isbah, Riza Nurdin, Amy Beibei Chen, Nyi Nyi Kyaw,

Ho Yin Chan, Mike Chia-Yu Huang, Umut Ozguc, Emily Robertson, Rita

Parker and Kelly Frame. I would like also thank my Indonesian fellows: Samsul

Maarif Mujiharto, Agung Resta, and Mahardika Pratama, Irsyad Zamzami,

Burhanuddin Muhtadi and Danang Widijoko.

During writing this thesis I had opportunity to present my findings to various conferences and workshops. I received valuable feedback from various participants who attended these seminars. I would like to thank Associate

Prof. Greg Fealy, Prof. James J. Fox, Prof. Kathryn Robinson, Syamsul Rijal,

Norshahril Saat, Ahmad Muhajir, Bayu Dardias, Wahyuddin Halim,

Muhammad Adlin Sila, and Haula Noor.

I would like to express my deep gratitude to Mas Danang, Tangan Di

Atas of Yogyakarta, Effendi Wahyu, a branch manager of PPPA Daarul-

Qur’an Yogyakarta, ustadz Zainur Rasyid, PPPA Daarul-Qur’an Semarang, and the members of Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta: Mas Mono, Muhammad

Yunus, Mas Ferry, Haji Thoriq, Mas Ferry and Rizki Mangrove who have kindly shared with me their ideas and enthusiasm for Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity. I would also like to thank the members of Sedekah Rombongan:

Saptuari Sugiharto, Karman, Faishol and Maulina.

Last and most importantly is my family. I would like to thank my mother Siti Maserah, my brothers Mujiburrahman, Muhajir, Iqbal and my sister Athia who have supported me in many ways. My special thanks also go to my father and mother in- law H. Zainal Arifin Roliby and Hj. Maslara. This vi

thesis is dedicated to my wife Tatinia and my daughter Halwa Ayesha Maira who have always supported and encouraged me during difficult times in writing up this thesis. During the last year of my PhD candidature my wife has suffered a serious illness, but her strength has convinced me to walk through the difficulties. By completing this thesis I hope I can open our lives to a happier and better future.

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Table of Contents

Title Page______i Thesis Sheet_____ii Originality Statement_____iii Abstract_____iv Acknowledgement_____v Table of Contents_____viii List of Table_____xi List of Figures_____xi Note on Spelling and Transliteration_____xiii Note on Currency Conversion______xiii Abbreviations______xiv Foreign and Technical Terms______xvi Glossary of Key Figures______xix

Chapter One: Introduction______1 I. Research Objectives and Justifications______7 II. Research Questions and Arguments______9 III. Research Significances______10 IV. Definition of Concepts and Terms______12 V. Research Scope and Methodology______13 VI. Thesis Structure______17

Chapter Two: The Mapping of Islamic Management Knowledge in Indonesia_____20 Introduction I. The Early Proponents of Indonesian Islamic Management Knowledge: Imaduddin Abdulrahim and Toto Tasmara_____23 II. Imaduddin, ICMI and the New Interpretation of Human Resource Management______31 III. Toto Tasmara: Echoing Muslim Work Ethic_____36 viii

IV. A Developing Islamic Corporate Management Theory_____45 V. The Rise of Entrepreneurship Training and Seminars_____49 VI. Conclusion_____52

Chapter Three: The Economic Theology of Yusuf Mansur______54 Introduction I. Yusuf Mansur: “Born-again Muslim”_____54 II. Becoming a Muslim Televangelist: Promoting Sedekah in Various Ways_____58 III. Matematika Sedekah (a Mathematics of Voluntary Alms Giving): Framing an Economic Theology_____67 IV. The Rhetoric of Sincerity and Self-Interest in Matematika Sedekah (a Mathematics of Voluntary Alms Giving)_____71 V. Prosperity Ritual: the optional morning prayer ( dhuha )______74 VI. How and why Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology appeals to Businessmen?______78 VII. Conclusion______85

Chapter Four: Promoters of Economic Theology: Yusuf Mansur’s Congregation_____86 Introduction I. A Portrait of Yusuf Mansur’s Followers: Agus Pramono____88 II. Branding the Self: Mas Mono’s Rezeki Diantar (Delivered fortune) Seminar____94 III. Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving): An Initiative of Yusuf Mansur’s Congregation____97 IV. The Members of Makelar Sedekah _____100 V. Makelar Sedekah Programs_____111 VI. Conclusion_____117

Chapter Five: ix

Promoting Economic Theology through Initiative: Saptuari Sugiharto and Sedekah Rombongan _____119 Introduction I. Saptuari Sugiharto: Business and Sedekah _____119 II. Sedekah Rombongan: an Initiative for Helping the Poor_____126 III. Mobilising Resources for the Sedekah Rombongan Initiative_____130 IV. Resonating with Economic Theology_____138 V. Cultivating a Benevolent Impulse______140 VI. Conclusion______147

Chapter Six: The Circulation of Economic Theology: Business Motivation Seminar and the Aspirations of Youth_____149 Introduction I. Setting the Scene_____149 II. Ippho Santosa: A Business Motivator_____156 III. Seven Miracle of Good Fortune Seminar_____160 IV. Chabib’s Story_____168 V. Promoting Economic Theology_____174 VI. Ali Baba’s Story_____179 VII. Starting a Business______182 VIII. Conclusion______187

Chapter Seven: Conclusion______189 I. Concluding Remarks_____189 II. Contribution to the Existing Studies______193 III. Suggestions for Further Research Directions______196 Appendix______197

List of Interviewees______197

Bibliography______200

x

List of Table

Table 2.1 The Promoters of Islamic Management Knowledge in Indonesia____22

List of Figures

Figure 3.1 Yusuf Mansur’s Publications____69 Figure 3.2 Yusuf Mansur’s dhuha Congregation in Yogyakarta____77 Figure 3.3 Yusuf Mansur delivering Islamic sermon after performing dhuha prayer_____77 Figure 4.1 Yusuf Mansur and Mas Mono in Business Motivation Seminar on the economic theology of sedekah _____92 Figure 4.2 Yusuf Mansur and Mas Mono_____93 Figure 4.3 Mas Mono delivering the Rezeki Diantar (Delivered Fortune) Seminar_____93 Figure 4.4 Mas Mono’s Rezeki Diantar (Delivered Fortune) Book_____94 Figure 4.5 Yusuf Mansur delivering Islamic Sermon in Makelar Sedekah first Anniversary_____99 Figure 4.6 Jody Brotosuseno, Yusuf Mansur and mas Mono launching their collaborative business_____105 Figure 4. 7 The Placard of economic theology in Waroeng Steak_____106 Figure 4. 8 Spiritual Company at Mangrove Printing_____106 Figure 4.9 Yusuf Mansur in an event of Mangrove Printing_____107 Figure 4.10 Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta Programs_____112 Figure 4.11 Bussiness Motivation seminar at Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta_____113 Figure 5.1 Saptuari’s seminar advertisement: business and sedekah _____124 Figure 5.2 Saptuari delivering seminar_____125 Figure 5.2 Sedekah Rombongan home stay______136 Figure 5.3 Sedekah Rombongan’s Response Car______136 Figure 5.4 Sedekah Rombongan’s promotion of economic theology on social media_____139 Figure 5.5 Sedekah Rombongan volunteer carrying out dugem _____144 Figure 5.6 Karman distributing sedekah to buruh gendong ____144 Figure 6.1 Events of entrepreneurship among the university students_____154 Figure 6.2 Entrepreneurship seminar at Gadjah Mada university____155 xi

Figure 6. 3 Ippho delivering a Seven Miracle of Good Fortune seminar at Jakarta International Expo_____161 Figure 6.4 Ippho Santosa’s tweets_____165 Figure 6.5 Chabib hosted a business motivation seminar_____177 Figure 6.6 Chabib resell Ippho Santosa’s product Kaia_____178 Figure 6.7 Ali Baba’s business motivation book collection_____186 Figure 6.8 Ali Baba and Mas Mono_____186

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Note on Spelling and Transliteration

In general, I follow the standard and commonly used Indonesian terms such as sedekah and dhuha for generic meaning with italic format. However, when the words are used in particular name of organization, I will not use italic format such as “Makelar Sedekah” and “Sedekah Rombongan”.

Note on Currency Conversion

Throughout the research period of this thesis, the currency rate of one Australian dollar to Indonesian rupiah fluctuated around 10,000 rupiah. For the sake of consistency and simplicity, a standard conversion rate of one Australian dollar to 10,000 is applied. The Australian dollar is represented with the currency abbreviation ‘AUD’ and the Indonesian rupiah with ‘Rp.’.

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Abbreviations

AMT Achievement Motivation Training ABIM Angkatan Belia (Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia) ABMM Ayam Bakar Mas Mono (a name of grilled chicken restaurant owned by Agus Pramono BKPMI Badan Komunikasi Pemuda Mesjid Indonesia (the Communication Body for Indonesian Young Mosque Activists) CENDI Centre for Entrepreneurship Studies DDII Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (Indonesian Council for Islamic Propagation) DD Dompet Dhu’afa (the Wallet of the Poor) ESQ Emotional and Spiritual Quotient HMI Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia (The Islamic Student Association) ITB Institut Teknologi Bandung (Bandung Institute of Technology) IIFSO International Islamic Federation of Student Organisation ICMI Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals) IPTEK Ilmu Pengetahuan dan Teknologi (Science and Technology) IMTAQ Iman dan Taqwa (Faith and Devotion) KKN Korupsi, Kolusi dan Nepotisme (Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism) LMD Latihan Mujahid Dakwah (Training of Da’wah Striver) LP3ES Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan dan Penerangan Ekonomi dan Sosial (Institute for Social and Economic Research, Education and Information) LABMENT Laboratorium Mental (Mental Laboratory) LABMEND Laboratory for Management and Mental Development MTSR Mobil Tanggap Sedekah Rombongan (Togetherness in Performing Voluntary Alms Giving Responsive Car) MQ Menagemen Qalbu (Management of Heart) xiv

PKS Partai Keadilan Sejahtera () PPPA DQ Program Pembibitan Penghapal Al-Qur’an Daarul-Qur’an (a Cultivation Program for Memorising Al-Qur’an), a network of Islamic boarding schools led by ustadz Yusuf Mansyur Pangkopkaptib Panglima Komando Pemulihan Keamanan Ketertiban (the Commander of Security and Safety) REPELITA Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Five Years Development Planning) SCTV Surya Citra Televisi (Surya Citra Television) UII Universitas Islam Indonesia (Indonesian Islamic University) UGM Universitas Gadjah Mada (Gadjah Mada University) UIN Universitas Islam Negeri (State Islamic University) UNS Universitas Sebelas Maret (Sebelas Maret University) UTM Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (Technology University of Malaysia) UNPAD Universitas Padjajaran (Padjajaran University) ProLM Prophetic Leadership Management YAASIN Yayasan Pembina Sari Insani (the Foundation for the Development and Management of Human Resource)

xv

Foreign and Technical Terms

Al-Qur’an The holy book of Islam buruh gendong a traditional labour who takes benefit from helping vendors to carry their goods in traditional , especially in Beringharjo Yogyakarta bloggers someone who frequently writing in a a free homepage dugem an acronym of dum-duman gudeg malam-malam . It is a Sedekah Rombongan program to distribute food especially gudeg at midnight to homeless and the poor dhuha an optional Muslim prayer devoted for request of prosperous life to God. The prayers consist of two sections in minimum and twelve sections for maximum. The proper time to perform dhuha is about 08.00 am to 11.30 am before the compulsory afternoon prayer distro a popular term referring to a supplier of a limited edition of clothes with specific design and appearance fatwa religious decrees jihad literally means an endeavor to achieve aims. It also refers to the idea of holy war hijrah an Arabic term means migration hadist the Prophet Muhammad utterances khalifatullah fil-ardh human as a steward of God. This notion refers to potentials given by God to human beings to do good deeds in this world is classical publication written by Muslim scholars used teachings in (Islamic boarding schools) kun fayakuun means ‘be and it is.’ It is taken from Al-Qur’an in Chapter Yaasin highlighting that anything can happen if God wishes to happen madrasah Islamic school, synonymous to sekolah (Indonesian). Madrasah is under the supervision of Ministry of Religious Affairs muballigh an Arabic term meaning preacher xvi

Muhammadiyah the second largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, regarded as modernist

Motivator a figure who frequently convey encouragements to become self-reliance and entrepreneurial in seminars or trainings. It is comparable to the notion of self-help gurus

Makelar Sedekah an initiative advocated by Agus Pramono or Mas Mono and other Muslim businessmen. The advocators of Makelar Sedekah are Yusuf Mansur’s congregation. Makelar Sedekah has various programs including business motivation seminar. It features a start-ups who are eager to share their experience to set up a business to young adult especially university students

Nahdhatul Ulama the largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia, regarded as traditionalist

New Order the period in which ruled (1965-1998) pesantren an Indonesian term refers to Islamic boarding school rezeki means fortune. It refers to not only earning but also to physical and spiritual achievement including health and sufficiency

Rezeki Diatar a name of Agus Pramono or Mas Mono’s business motivation seminar rumah singgah a homestay for patient of Sedekah Rombongan during the medical treatment process sinetron a morpheme of sinema (cinema) and elektronik (electronic), comparable to soap opera or television drama sifat dua puluh Indonesian term referring to ‘Twenty Attributes of God.’ It is a popular theological concept among the Malay Muslims sedekah an Indonesian terms referring to voluntary alms giving sedekah jariyah a practice of voluntary alms giving that has continuous rewards from God. It includes sedekah for building up a mosques or providing scholarship to study. Since the mosque is used for praying the donors always receive God’s rewards or since the beneficiaries of the scholarship receive benefit from their acquired knowledge, the donors also always receive God’s rewards xvii

Sedekah Rombongan an initiative advocated by Saptuari Sugiharto and other Muslim businessmen. Sedekah Rombongan is primarily aims to help the poor with serious illnesses including cancer taqwa Arabic term means faith tarbiyah an Arabic word means education. In particular context, it refers to the da’wah concept of Ikhwan Al-Muslimun movement which developed by Hasan al Bana in Egypt with a purpose to transform Muslims to be wholly Islamic ( Islam kaffah ) tauhid Islamic monotheism

Tujuh Keajaiban Rezeki a name of Ippho Santosa’s business motivation seminar a social network site tahajud an voluntary Muslim prayer conducted in midnight between 01.00 am to before the dawn obligatory prayer ( shalat subuh ) taaruf an Arabic word referring to the introductory meeting before marriage during which mates get to know each other based on shariah law. Ta’aruf is a popular practice among the activists of Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) targhib is an Arabic term meaning “keen”. In Islamic tradition, targhib is associated with the method of Islamic propagation that calls Muslims for performing Islamic devotional acts in an eager way by highlighting God’s rewards ulama Muslim scholars umrah a lesser pilgrimage ustadz a Muslim cleric or teacher wahabi an ideology initiated by Abdullah bin Abdul Wahab in Saudi Arabia. The ideology calls to the purification of Islam from superstitions and heresy

Wisata Hati a name of Ustadz Yusuf Mansur’s congregation zakat one of Five Pillar of Islam. It refers to obligatory alms giving

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Glossary of Key Figures

Ary Ginanjar a popular trainer of Emotional and Spiritual Quotient a popular celebrity preacher in Indonesia during 2000s. His preaching program called Managemen Qalbu. His popularity felt down when he married a second wife in 2002 Agus Pramono a businessman of franchise restaurant Ayam Bakar Mas Mono. He is also well-known as a popular business motivation speaker. His popular seminar entitled Rezeki Diantar (delivered fortune) David McClelland a Harvard Psychologist who developed the idea of the need for achievement theory. The theory was popular in developing countries in 1980s Danah Zohar a best seller writer of popular psychology books. One of her popular publication is about Spiritual Quotient (SQ) entitled SQ: Connecting with Our Spiritual Intelligence Imaduddun Abdulrahim a pioneer of Islamic management training in Indonesia. In 1980s, he was the central figure behind Islamic trainings for students at Salman mosque of Bandung Institute of Technology Ippho Santosa a writer of some business motivational books, and a speaker in business motivational seminars. One of his popular books and seminars named Tujuh Keajaiban Rezeki (Seven Miracle of Good Fortune) Stephen R Covey widely recognised as best seller writer of popular management books. His famous publication is The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People . It was translated into more than fifty languages. Syafii Antonio a trainer and writer. His popular training is called Prophetic Leadership and Management. He wrote a popular management book entitled Muhammad SAW: Super Leader, Super Manager . This book explores the life history of Prophet Muhammad and links it to modern management theories. He is well known as an expert in Islamic finance Saptuari Sugiharto a Muslim businessman who is well known as motivator keen to convey business motivation xix

seminars to encourage young people to enter self- employment by undertaking businesses. His business seminar emphasises on the importance of voluntary alms giving or sedekah in order to gain a business success Toto Tasmara a popular preacher who developed Imaduddin’s ideas of Islamic management knowledge Yusuf Mansur a popular celebrity preacher who promotes the virtue of voluntary alms giving as a method to seek spiritual and material prosperity Zainuddin MZ a popular preacher whose cassette-sermon was circulated widely in Indonesia in 1990s. He was also named as a “preacher with million congregation” ( dai sejuta umat )

1

Chapter One

Introduction

This study examines why Islamic propagation has becoming increasingly popular among urban Muslims in Indonesia. Most Indonesians now reside in cities. For example, Central Bureau of Statistics figures released in 2010 report

1 that just under fifty percent of the Indonesian population lives in urban areas.

2 This percentage increased in 2014. Moreover, Indonesia is the country with

3 the largest Muslim population in the world and overtly Islamic practices have been increasingly exhibited by urban Muslims over the last decade.

The topics of scholarly inquiry into the urban Muslim population of

Indonesia have been diverse. They have included political and cultural

4 representation of urban Muslim as well as the practice of Islam in urban

1 See http://sp2010.bps.go.id/ (accessed 1 September 2015). 2 See http://www.jllapsites.com/research/urbanisation-in-asia-pacific-more-city-dwellers- are-creating-huge-consumer-demand (accessed 18 August 2015). 3 In 2010 Pew Research Centre notes that 205 million out of Indonesian population are Muslim or almost 88%. See http://www.pewforum.org/2010/11/04/muslim-population-of- indonesia/ (Accessed 2 September 2015). 4 Robert W Hefner, “Islam, State, and Civil Society: ICMI and the Struggle for the Indonesian Middle Class,” Indonesia , no 56 (1993): 1-35; R. William Liddle, “The Islamic Turn in Indonesia: A Political Explanation,” The Journal of Asian Studies 55, no. 3 (1996): 613- 634; Aswab Mahasin, “The Middle Class: An Insider’s View,” in The Politics of Middle Class Indonesia , ed. Richard Tanter and Kenneth Young (Centre of Southeast Asian Studies: Monash University, 1990), 138-144; , “Indonesia’s Muslim Middle Class: An Imperative or A Choice?” In The Politics of Middle Class Indonesia , ed. Richard Tanter and Kenneth Young (Centre of Southeast Asian Studies: Monash University, 1990), 22-24; Ariel Heryanto, “The Years of Living Luxuriously: Identity Politics of Indonesian’s New Rich” in Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia, ed. Michael Pinches (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 160-188 ; Ariel Heryanto, “Upgraded Piety and Pleasure: The New Middle 2

5 environments . The first were linked to the phenomenon of urban Muslims with the emerging Muslim middle class in Indonesia, while the second has looked at the practices of Islam among the urbanites and has paid attention to the role of new preachers who promote Islamic teachings through various methods including novels, seminars and training sessions and courses.

Scholarship on the politics and cultural representation of urban

Muslims have located the urban Muslim with the emerging Indonesian Muslim

6 7 8 9 middle class. Hefner , Liddle , Mahasin and Wahid analyse the upward mobility of santri in urban environment and link this with the emergence of an

Class and Islam in Indonesian Popular Culture,” in Islam and Popular Culture in Indonesia and Malaysia , ed. Andrew N. Weintraub (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), 60-82; Ariel Heryanto, Identity and Pleasure: The Politics of Indonesian Screen Culture (: NUS Press, 2014); Moeflich Hasbullah, “Cultural Presentation of Muslim Middle Class in Contemporary Indonesia” Studia Islamika 7, no 2 (2000): 1-58. 5 James B Hoesterey, Sufis and Self-Help Gurus: Islamic Psychology, Religious Authority, and Muslim Subjectivity in Contemporary Indonesia , unpublished PhD thesis (University of Wisconsin- Madison, 2009); James B. Hoesterey, “Prophetic Cosmopolitanism: Islam, Pop Psychology, and Civic Virtue in Indonesia,” City and Society 24, no. 1 (2012):38-61; Noorhaidi Hasan, “The Making of Public Islam: Piety, Agency and Commodification on the Landscape of the Indonesian Public Sphere, Contemporary Islam 3, no. 3 (2009): 229-250; Daromir Rudnyckyj, Spiritual Economies: Islam, Globalization, and the Afterlife of Development (Cornell: Cornell University Press, 2010); Akh Muzakki, “Islamic Televangelism in Changing Indonesia: Transmission, Authority, and the Politics of Ideas,” in Global and Local Televangelism , ed. Pradip Ninan Thomas and Philip Lee (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 45-63; Minako Sakai, “Preaching to Muslim Youth in Indonesia: The ‘Dakwah’ Activities of Habiburrahman El Shirazy, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 46, no. 1 (2012): 9-31; Annisa R. Beta, “Hijabers: How Young Urban Muslim Women Redefine Themselves in Indonesia,” The International Communication Gazette 76, no.4-5 (2014): 377-389. 6 Robert W Hefner, “Islam, State, and Civil Society: ICMI and the Struggle for the Indonesian Middle Class,” Indonesia , no 56 (1993): 1-35. 7 R. William Liddle, “The Islamic Turn in Indonesia: A Political Explanation,” The Journal of Asian Studies 55, no. 3 (1996): 613-634. 8 Aswab Mahasin,” The Santri Middle Class: An Insider’s View,” in The Politics of Middle Class Indonesia , ed. Richard Tanter and Kenneth Young (Centre of Southeast Asian Studies: Monash University, 1990), 138-144. 9 Abdurrahman Wahid, “Indonesia’s Muslim Middle Class: An Imperative or A Choice?” In The Politics of Middle Class Indonesia , ed. Richard Tanter and Kenneth Young (Centre of Southeast Asian Studies: Monash University, 1990), 22-24. 3

Indonesian Muslim middle class. The image of santri , which had previously

10 been associated with the rural and the traditional, is now changing to that of the urban and modern. In these new studies, the santri are seen as well- educated and having modern occupations as government officers and company employees. These scholars have argued that the mobility of santri into the bureaucracy and political arena during the 1990s was associated with a new political configuration by Suharto’s towards Islam.

The upward mobility of santri has impacted on and changed their lifestyle and cultural presentation. The new santri has become a member of

11 12 13 Indonesia’s new rich. Heryanto , Hasbullah , George and Jones have portrayed that the Muslim middle class are keen to attend Islamic study

groups, wear headscarfs, and appreciative of Islamic arts. They argue that the

Muslim middle class has created cultural distinctions to differentiate their

10 Clifford Geertz, The Religion of Java (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1960). 11 Ariel Heryanto, “The Years of Living Luxuriously: Identity Politics of Indonesian’s New Rich” in Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia, ed. Michael Pinches (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 160-188 ; Ariel Heryanto, “Upgraded Piety and Pleasure: The New Middle Class and Islam in Indonesian Popular Culture,” in Islam and Popular Culture in Indonesia and Malaysia , ed. Andrew N. Weintraub (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), 60-82; Ariel Heryanto, Identity and Pleasure: The Politics of Indonesian Screen Culture (Singapore: NUS Press, 2014). 12 Moeflich Hasbullah, “Cultural Presentation of Muslim Middle Class in Contemporary Indonesia” Studia Islamika 7, no 2 (2000): 1-58 13 Kenneth M. George, “Design on Indonesia’s Muslim Communities, Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 3 (1998): 693-713; Carla Jones, “ and Faith in Urban Indonesia,” Fashion Theory-Journal of Dress, Body and Culture 11, no 2/3 (2007): 211-232; Carla Jones, “Materializing Piety: Gendered anxieties about faithful consumption in contemporary urban Indonesia,” American Ethnologist 37, no. 4 (2010): 617-637 4

position with other traditional forms of Islamic appearance and that of the

14 secular middle classes.

After the demise of the New Order, many discussions of Muslim middle class have highlighted the role of the Islamic da’wa movement carried out by the activists of tarbiyah or Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (the Prosperous

15 16 17 18 Justice Party, PKS). Smith-Hefner , Rinaldo , Budiman and Kailani have examined the Islamic movement of tarbiyah that addresses moral dilemmas and challenges faced by the Indonesian Muslims living in the urban environment.

The dilemmas and challenges include the issue of pornography and pre-marital sex. The Islamic movement responds to such moral dilemmas and challenges

14 See H.W Dick, The Rise of Middle Class and the Changing Concept of Equity in Indonesia: An Interpretation, Indonesia , No. 39 (1985): 71-92; Ariel Heryanto, “The Years of Living Luxuriously: Identity Politics of Indonesian’s New Rich,” in Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia, ed. Michael Pinches (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 160-188; Solvay Gerkey, “Global Lifestyles Under Local Conditions: The New Indonesian Middle Class,” in Consumption in Asia: Lifestyle and Identities ed. Chua Beng-Huat (London and New York: Routledge, 2000), 137-158; Lizzy Van Leeuwen, Lost in Mall: An Ethnography of Middle- Class Jakarta in the late 1990s (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2011). 15 Nancy J. Smith-Hefner, “The New Muslim Romance: Changing Patterns of Courtship and Marriage among Educated Javanese Youth,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (2005): 441-459; Nancy J Smith-Hefner, “’Hypersexed’ Youth and the New Muslim Sexology in Java, Indonesia,” Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 43, no. 1 (2009): 209-244 16 Rachel Rinaldo, “Muslim Women, Middle Class Habitus, and Modernity in Indonesia,” Contemporary Islam no. 2 (2008): 23-39. 17 Manneke Budiman, “The Middle Class and Morality Politics in envisioning of the Nation in Post-Suharto Indonesia,” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 12, no. 4 (2011): 482-499. 18 Najib Kailani, “Muslimising Indonesian Youths: The Tarbiyah Moral and Cultural Movement in Contemporary Indonesia” in Islam and the 2009 Indonesian Elections, Political and Cultural Issues: The Case of Prosperous Justice Party, ed. Remy Madinier (Bangkok: IRASEC 2010), 71-96; Najib Kailani, “Forum Lingkar Pena and Muslim Youth in Contemporary Indonesia,” Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs vol. 46, no. 1 (2012): 33–53. 5

by providing Islamic alternatives such as Islamic media, and the promotion of arranged married ( ta’aruf ).

In addition to Muslim middle class, recent scholarship on urban

Muslims has focused on examining Islamic propagation among urbanites.

19 20 21 22 23 24 Watson , Howell , Hoesterey , Hasan , Rundnyckyj , Muzakki , Sakai and

25 Beta have examined the emergence of new Muslim preachers in urban environment. The new preachers are typically graduates from secular educational institutions and familiar with employing new media technology.

19 C.W. Watson, “A Popular Indonesian Preacher: The Significance of AA Gymnastiar, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 11, no. 4 (2005): 773-792. 20 Julia Day Howell, “Modulations of Active Piety: Professors and Televangelists As Promoters of Indonesian ‘ Sufisme ’,” in Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia , ed. by Greg Fealy and Sally White (Singapore: ISEAS, 2008), 40-62; Julia Day Howell, “Indonesia’s Salafist Sufis,” Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 5 (2010): 1029-1051; Julia Day Howell, “’Calling’ and ‘Training’: Role Innovation and Religious De-differentiation in Commercialised Indonesia Islam,” Journal of Contemporary Religion 28, no. 3 (2013): 401-419; Julia Day Howell, “Christendom, The Ummah and Community in the age of Televangelism,” Social Compass 61, no. 2 (2014): 234-249. 21 James B Hoesterey, Sufis and Self-Help Gurus: Islamic Psychology, Religious Authority, and Muslim Subjectivity in Contemporary Indonesia , unpublished PhD thesis (University of Wisconsin- Madison, 2009); James B. Hoesterey, “Prophetic Cosmopolitanism: Islam, Pop Psychology, and Civic Virtue in Indonesia,” City and Society 24, no. 1 (2012):38-61; James B Hoesterey, Rebranding Islam: Piety, Prosperity and A Self-Help Guru (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016). 22 Noorhaidi Hasan, “The Making of Public Islam: Piety, Agency and Commodification on the Landscape of the Indonesian Public Sphere, Contemporary Islam 3, no. 3 (2009): 229-250. 23 Daromir Rudnyckyj, Spiritual Economies: Islam, Globalization, and the Afterlife of Development (Cornell: Cornell University Press, 2010). 24 Akh Muzakki, “Islamic Televangelism in Changing Indonesia: Transmission, Authority, and the Politics of Ideas,” in Global and Local Televangelism , ed. Pradip Ninan Thomas and Philip Lee (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 45-63. 25 Minako Sakai, “Preaching to Muslim Youth in Indonesia: The ‘Dakwah’ Activities of Habiburrahman El Shirazy, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 46, no. 1 (2012): 9-31; Annisa R. Beta, “Hijabers: How Young Urban Muslim Women Redefine Themselves in Indonesia,” The International Communication Gazette 76, no.4-5 (2014): 377-389. 6

They promote Islamic teachings in modern articulations and disseminate them via new media.

These preachers include Islamic fashion designers, writers, urban sufis

26 (Muslim ascetic) and new Muslim preachers and trainers , who are distinctively different from the established Muslim preachers. Traditional

Muslim religious authority used to be with ulama (Islamic scholars) who are specialists in issuing religious decrees (fatwas ) and interpreting religious

27 scriptures . These Ulama were educated in pesantren (Islamic boarding schools)

26 Carla Jones, “Fashion and Faith in Urban Indonesia,” Fashion Theory-Journal of Dress, Body and Culture 11, no 2/3 (2007): 211-232; Carla Jones, “Materializing Piety: Gendered anxieties about faithful consumption in contemporary urban Indonesia,” American Ethnologist 37, no. 4 (2010): 617-637; Julia Day Howell, “Modulations of Active Piety: Professors and Televangelists As Promoters of Indonesian ‘ Sufisme ’,” in Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia , ed. Greg Fealy and Sally White (Singapore: ISEAS, 2008), 40-62; Julia Day Howell, “Indonesia’s Salafist Sufis,” Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 5 (2010): 1029-1051; Julia Day Howell, “’Calling’ and ‘Training’: Role Innovation and Religious De-differentiation in Commercialised Indonesia Islam,” Journal of Contemporary Religion 28, no. 3 (2013): 401-419; Julia Day Howell, “Christendom, The Ummah and Community in the age of Televangelism,” Social Compass 61, no. 2 (2014): 234-249; Minako Sakai, “Preaching to Muslim Youth in Indonesia: The ‘Dakwah’ Activities of Habiburrahman El Shirazy, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 46, no. 1 (2012): 9-31; Annisa R. Beta, “Hijabers: How Young Urban Muslim Women Redefine Themselves in Indonesia,” The International Communication Gazette 76, no.4-5 (2014): 377-389. Some Scholars have also shown the emergence of new Muslim preachers in Muslim countries including Egypt and Saudi Arabia. These new preachers include bloggers, rappers, fashion designers, televangelists, human right activists and self- styled Islamic gurus and thinkers. See Vali Nasr, the Rise of Islamic : Why the New Middle Class is the Key to Defeating Extremism (New York: Free Press, 2009): 176; Robin Wright, Rock the Casbah: Rage and Rebellion across the Islamic World (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2011) , 177, Nabil Echchaibi, “From Audio to Video : the Delocalisation of Authority in Islam,” Nations and Nationalism 17, no 1 (2011): 25-44; Yasmin Moll, “Storytelling, Sincerity, and Islamic Televangelism in Egypt,’ in Global and Local Televangelism , ed. Pradip Ninan Thomas and Philip Lee ( New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 21-44. 27 R. Michael Feener, “Constructions of Religious Authority in Indonesian Islamism: ‘The Way and Community’ Re-imagined,” in Islamic Legitimacy in a Plural Asia , ed. Anthony Reid and Michael Gilsenan (London and New York: Routledge, 2007), 139-153; R. Michael Feener, “Muslim Religious Authority in Modern Asia,” Asian Journal of Social Science 42 (2014): 501-516. 7

and the mastery of Islamic tradition including kitab kuning (classical

28 publications) was considered essential.

Reflecting this change, this study aims to engage with scholarly discussions on the dissemination of religious authority among urban Muslims in contemporary Indonesia. Existing studies in this field have paid attention to and explored the role of the new Muslim preachers and their modern forms of

Islamic propagation such as seminars and trainings. However, little attention has been paid to the examination of the interaction between the new Muslim preachers and their followers, and how these followers respond to the teachings of these new Muslim preachers.

I. Research Objectives and Justifications

This study aims to analyse the interactions of a celebrity preacher with his followers. This study focuses on Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity and investigates how his ideas are received and circulated by his followers in

Indonesia. I have selected Yusuf Mansur due to the fact that his ideas of prosperity place emphasis on performative acts rather than an ethic. I argue that Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity are different from the idea of

29 prosperity promoted by Abdullah Gymnastiar and Ary Ginanjar. Watson ,

28 Andree Feillard, “From Handling Water in a Glass to Coping with an Ocean: Shifts in Religious Authority in Indonesia,” in Varieties of Religious Authority: Changes and Challenges in th 20 Century Indonesian Islam , ed. , Kees van Dijk and Nico J.G Kaptein (Singapore: ISEAS, 2010), 156-176. 29 C.W. Watson, “A Popular Indonesian Preacher: The Significance of AA Gymnastiar, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 11, no. 4 (2005): 773-792. 8

30 31 Hoesterey and Rudynckyj have shown that Abdullah Gymanstiar and Ary

Ginanjar’s preaching and training accentuate ethics such as discipline and hard work and justify this ethos with Islamic teachings.

By way of contrast, Yusuf Mansur emphasises the performance of

Islamic devotional acts as a method to seek material and spiritual wealth. His ideas are based on his interpretations of Islamic scriptures including al-Qur’an and Hadist. My attention to Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity and the reception of his followers to his ideas has been inspired by the studies of

32 33 34 Susan Harding , Simon Coleman , and Bryan Turner. These scholars indicate that theological interpretations promoted by religious elites have contributed to shaping religious culture and practice.

30 James B Hoesterey, Sufis and Self-Help Gurus: Islamic Psychology, Religious Authority, and Muslim Subjectivity in Contemporary Indonesia , unpublished PhD thesis (University of Wisconsin- Madison, 2009); James B. Hoesterey, “Prophetic Cosmopolitanism: Islam, Pop Psychology, and Civic Virtue in Indonesia,” City and Society 24, no. 1 (2012):38-61; James B Hoesterey, Rebranding Islam: Piety, Prosperity and A Self-Help Guru (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016). 31 Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Power Pointing Islam: Form and Spiritual Reform in Reformasi Indonesia,” in Mediating Piety: Religion and Technology in Asia , ed. Francis Lim (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 91-112; Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Market ,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 15, Issue supplement (2009): 183-201; Daromir Rudnyckyj, Spiritual Economies: Islam, Globalization, and the Afterlife of Development (Cornell: Cornell University Press, 2010). 32 Susan Friend Harding, “The Gospel of Giving: the Narrative Construction of Sacrificial Economy,” in Vocabularies of Public Life: Empirical Essays in Symbolic Structure, ed. Robert Wuthnow (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), 39-56; Susan Friend Harding, the Book of Jerry Falwell: Fundamentalist Language and Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). See also Joel Robbins, “Anthropology and Theology: an Awkward Relationship?” Anthropological Quarterly 79, no. 2 (2006): 285-294. 33 Simon Coleman, “The Charismatic Gift,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 10 (2004): 421-442; Simon Coleman, “Prosperity Unbound? Debating the “Sacrificial Economy,” in The Economics of Religion: Anthropological Approaches, eds. Lionel Obadia and Donald C. Wood (Bingley: Emerald, 2011), 23-45. 34 Bryan S Turner, Religion and Modern Society: Citizenship, Secularisation and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).

9

II. Research Questions and Arguments

This study aims to answer the following questions:

1. Why are the urban Muslims enthused to new Muslim figures and their

Islamic teachings?

2. How does the process of new Islamic propagation of prosperity gain

popularity among followers?

3. How do urban Muslims receive and adapt to new Islamic teachings?

4. How do the urban Muslims interpret and circulate these Islamic

teachings within their community?

This study will show why urban Muslims especially Muslim small businessmen have been fascinated to Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity. I argue that these Muslims find that performing Islamic devotional acts have enhanced and accelerated their business successes. They further promote

Yusuf Mansur’s idea of prosperity through their business motivation seminars.

Consequently they themselves in turn become new ‘celebrity preachers’ in the entrepreneurial milieu, which is an important mechanism in spreading new

Islamic ideas of prosperity.

This study argues that the popularity of Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity among the urbanites is due to its potentials to facilitate their aspiration for prosperous life. Furthermore, this study also argues that the widespread circulation of idea is attributed to the role played by Muslim 10

businessmen who are enthused to Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity and promoted in their own groups. The process of reception, adaptation and promotion of Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity represent multi-level preaching currently taking place in Indonesia.

III. Research Significances

The significance of this study is its contribution to the growing

35 scholarship on the dissemination of religious authority. Eickelman ,

36 37 Anderson and Turner have argued that the development of mass education and media technology in many Muslim societies has facilitated the

‘objectification of religion’ (Eickelman) or ‘reflexive religiosity’ (Turner). Both

‘objectification of religion’ and ‘reflexive religiosity’ refer to how ordinary

Muslims reflect and discuss their religiosity through their easy accessibility to

35 Dale F. Eickelman, “Mass Higher Education and the Religious Imagination in Contemporary Arab Societies,” American Ethnologist , 19, no. 4 (1994): 643-655; Dale F. Eickelman, "Introduction: Print, Writing, and the Politics of Religious Identity in the Middle East." Anthropological Quarterly 68, no. 3 (1995): 133; Dale F Eickelman and James Piscatori, Muslim Politics. Second edition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004).

36 Dale F Eickelman and Jon W. Anderson, New Media in : The Emerging Public Sphere (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2013).

37 Bryan S. Turner, “Religious Authority and the New Media,” Theory, Culture and Society 24, no.2 (2007): 117-134. 11

Islamic materials without referring to traditional sources of Muslim religious

38 authority.

In addition, this thesis also aims to contribute to the discussion of

39 religion and secularisation . This study will reveal that religious teachings on prosperity have attracted people to the practice of religion in an urban milieu.

Being religious does not contradict aspirations to a modern life. This study will also show that Islam continues significantly to shape the everyday life of

38 The discussion on the multiplicity of religious authority afterwards leads to the notion of ‘Public Islam.’ Public Islam is significantly influenced by the works of Habermas on ‘Public Sphere.’ See Armando Salvatore and Dale F Eickelman, “Public Islam and the Commod Good,” in Public Islam and the Common Good, eds. Armando Salvatore and Dale F Eickelman (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2004) xi-xxv. In addition, Eickelman and Piscatori in their introduction to the second edition of Muslim Politics have also emphasised a correlation between “objectification of religion” with the emergence of public Islam. See Dale F Eickelman and James Piscatori, Muslim Politics (Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2004) ix- xvi.In any occasions, the media has facilitated the debate and discussion among the Muslims, for example see Charles Hirschkind, the Ethical Soundscapes: Cassette Sermons and Islamic Counter publics (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006).

39 Gabriele Marranci, Muslim Societies and the Challenge of Secularization: An Interdisciplinary Approach (New York : Springer, 2010); Talal Asad, Formation s of the Secular: Christianity, Islam and Modernity (Stanford: Standford University Press, 2003); Talal Asad, “Explaining the st Global Religious Revival: The Egyptian Case,” in Religion and Society: an Agenda for 21 Century , ed. Gerrie Ter Haar and Yoshio Tsuruoka (Leiden: Brill, 2007): 83-103; Bryan S Turner, “Islam, Public Religions and Secularization Debate,” in Muslim Societies and the Challenge of Secularization: An Interdisciplinary Approach, ed. Gabriel Marranci (London and New York: Springer, 2010), 11-30; Bryan S. Turner, Religion and Modern Society: Citizenship, Secularisation and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Jose Casanova, Public Religions in the Modern World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Saba Mahmood, Politics of Piety: the Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2005); Fenella Cannell, “The Anthropology of Secularism,” Annual Review of Anthropology 39 (2010): 85-100. 12

Muslims in Indonesia. In other words, modernisation in the Indonesian

40 context does not denote the secularisation of public life.

IV. Definition of Concepts and Terms

The key concepts used in this thesis include ‘economic theology’,

‘sedekah ’, ‘ dhuha ’ and ‘Islamic management knowledge’ and are defined as follows:

41 This study will adapt Marcel Mauss’s idea about economic theology to elaborate Yusuf Mansur’s idea of prosperity. In his discussion on classical

Hindu laws of gift-giving, Mauss highlights rewards in return for the practice of gift-giving. He calls this an economic theology of gift-giving:

The thing that is given produces its rewards in this life and the next. Here in this life, it automatically engenders for the giver the same thing as itself: it is not lost, it 42 reproduces itself; in the next life, one finds the same thing, only it has increased .

This study also uses the term sedekah . It is an Indonesian term denoting to voluntary alms giving. In this study the term sedekah will refer to Yusuf

Mansur’s economic theology called matematika sedekah (a mathematics of

Voluntary Alms Giving). This study also uses the term dhuha . It refers to an additional Muslim prayer to God that requests for a prosperous life. The prayer consists of a minimum of two sections and a maximum of twelve

40 Bryan S. Turner, Religion and Modern Society: Citizenship, Secularisation and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012; Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart, Sacred and Secular Religion and Politics Worldwide (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011).

41 Marcel Mauss, the Gift: the Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies (London and New York: Routledge Classics, 2002), 72. 42 Ibid 13

sections. The proper time to perform dhuha is between about 08.00 am to

11.30 am before the compulsory afternoon prayer ( dhuhur ).

In addition, this study also utilises the term ‘Islamic management knowledge.’ The term refers to a combination of Islamic interpretations of applied practice of business success and personal development ideas. I develop

43 44 the term from Nigel Thrift and Daromir Rudnyckyj . They introduce the notion of management knowledge to identify the wide dissemination of popular management theories including those that touch on business success and personal development ideas in the globalised world.

V. Research Scope and Methodology

This study limits its scope to examining Muslim small businessmen, business start-ups, and university students in Yogyakarta as a representation of urban Muslims. I selected Yogyakarta as a research site for several reasons.

The first is the pace of urbanisation in Yogyakarta. Yogyakarta is well-known as the city of students. Yogyakarta is home to a considerable number of

(temporary) migrants, who mostly come there for educational reasons.

Yogyakarta hosts more than fifty universities including the public and private.

43 Nigel Thrift, Knowing Capitalism (London: Sage Publications, 2005), 29-50. See also Appadurai’s notion on five dimensions of global cultural flows namely ethnoscapes , mediascapes , technoscapes , financescapes and ideoscapes Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005 seventh printing), 32-36. 44 Daromir Rudnyckyj, Spiritual Economies: Islam, Globalization, and the Afterlife of Development (Cornell: Cornell University Press, 2010), 8.

14

In other words people from most of Indonesia’s varied ethnic groups can be found in Yogyakarta.

Another reason is that I had lived in Yogyakarta more than ten years

(from 1997-2011) as a student and a researcher. I obtained my undergraduate and postgraduate degrees in Yogyakarta. In addition I have carried out research on the Islamic movement among the youth of Yogyakarta. For these reasons, I am familiar with the social environment of Yogyakarta.

My interest to study the idea of prosperity among the urban Muslims started when I attended Ippho Santosa’s seminar called Tujuh Keajaiban

Rezeki (Seven Miracles of Good Fortune) in Canberra, in 2012. The seminar hosted by Dompet Dhuafa (the Wallet of the Poor) Australia and the

Indonesian embassy. Ippho Santosa is one of the popular motivational business speakers in contemporary Indonesia. His seminar emphasised performing Islamic devotional acts as a way to achieve material rewards.

When I attended the seminar, I realised that the attendees were excited by Ippho Santosa’s presentation. Ippho Santosa regularly quoted Islamic scriptures from al-Qur’an and Hadist to convince his audiences that Islamic devotional acts could be used as a method to gain prosperity. Most of the attendees were well-educated including post graduate students (MA and PhD) from Australian National University and University of Canberra. They were enthusiastic with Ippho Santosa’s presentation.

Since I had studied in Islamic boarding school ( pesantren ), I was both surprised and curious at Ippho Santosa’s seminar and ideas. I understood that 15

the intent of Islamic devotional acts is to seek the sake of God. In contrast, I found that Ippho Santosa’s seminar promoted the idea that performing

Islamic devotional acts was a way to achieve material rewards from God. This initial curiosity has further led me to examine the phenomenon of business motivation seminars in which the ideas of prosperity through performing

Islamic devotional acts are promoted.

This study employs ethnography as a research method. I draw my data material from six months research fieldwork in Yogyakarta (November 2012-

April 2013) with additional visits to Jakarta between January and March 2013 to attend seminars and training sessions. During my initial month in the field I attempted to look for information on business motivation seminars. I also made a contact with university lecturers who managed various centres for entrepreneurship on campuses in order to seek advice and information.

I monitored the noticeboards on many campuses and realised that many business motivation seminars were instigated both on campuses and off campuses. The seminars either initiated by student organisations or informal associations outside the campuses. The seminars featured successful businessmen who shared their business success with the students. These businessmen encouraged young people to enter self-employment as entrepreneurs rather than seeking a waged employment as civil servants or company employees.

I attended seminars and introduced myself to other attendees and speakers. I was surprised by the frequent questions I received after starting a 16

conversation with other participants: what is your business? Do you have a business card? Like any anthropologists who make first contact with their informants, I also encountered the problem of either their curiosity or distrust.

As the majority of informants were educated, instead of questioning them, I was regularly regaled by many questions regarding my interest in studying the business motivation seminars as well as questions regarding my personal life.

The situation put me in a more equal position with my informants, where I was able to interact and share information with the informants.

I, nevertheless, also faced the problem of suspicion. This usually happened when I built up a contact with important figures such as motivators or businessmen. In order to anticipate the distrust, I approached some key figures such as the managers of PPPA Daarul Qur’an, a foundation established by Yusuf Mansur and requested some contacts of Yusuf Mansur’s followers.

Through this method I was able to gain access to key figures. When I was admitted, my relationship with them developed naturally. They invited me into their homes and gave me lifts in their cars.

During my research I interviewed and observed more than 40 informants (see appendix) including male and female. My informants were typically university students, lecturers, small businessmen and start-ups, business motivation speakers, philanthropists, and Muslim clerics ( ustadz ). I obtained the ethics clearance from the Human Research Ethics Advisor Panel of University of New Wales on 5 October 2012 to carry out this research project. 17

In addition, I have participated in and observed seminars, Islamic study groups and business activities of small and medium enterprises. In order to get in-depth data I focused my interviews and observations on people who are affiliated to Muslim small businessmen’s associations namely Sedekah

Rombongan (Togetherness in Voluntary Alms Giving), Makelar Sedekah (the

Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving).

I also attended Yusuf Mansur’s sermons in Yogyakarta and Jakarta as well as interviewed some important figures of Yusuf Mansur’s foundation,

PPPA Daarul Qur’an in Yogyakarta and Semarang. In order to get a more comprehensive picture of this phenomenon, I also used secondary data from publications, pamphlets, and videos (DVDs and YouTube).

VI. Thesis Structure

This thesis is organised in six chapters. The Chapter One is an introduction. It offers an overview of scholarly enquiries on urban Muslims and reveals the gaps in this field of study. Furthermore it also highlights my research objectives and justifications, questions and arguments, the significance of this study and definition of concepts and terms. In addition this chapter also presents my research and reflective methodology.

In the following chapter, “The Mapping of Islamic Management

Knowledge in Indonesia: the Early and Recent Proponent Figures” I provide an overview of popular understanding of Islam and its form of transmitting

Islam instigated by new preachers and trainers in Indonesia. This chapter 18

analyses the pioneers of Islamic management studies from the late of New

Order to Post New Order era. This chapter also analyses the shift of socio- political settings that has significantly affected the nature of Islamic interpretations and management and business trainings.

Chapter three will analyse Yusuf Mansur’s propagation of prosperity. It illuminates his biography and methods to disseminate his ideas of prosperity among the urban Muslims. He uses various means, ranging from publications, television programs to business motivation seminars. Furthermore, this chapter also scrutinises the religious foundations of Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity which he calls as matematika sedekah (a Mathematics of Voluntary

Alms Giving).

The fourth chapter will examine Muslim businessmen’s’ reception and adaptation to Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity. In this chapter I argue that there are two patterns of dissemination of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology among the urban Muslim population, especially in entrepreneurial circles. The first pattern is that the followers are enthused to Yusuf Mansur’s preaching on economic theology and contact him. They become Yusuf Mansur’s close followers. Meanwhile, the second pattern is that followers are fascinated by

Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology but do not contact him directly. However, they adapt the economic theology and circulate it to their own milieu. The

Chapter Four will analyses the first pattern of a dissemination of Yusuf

Mansur’s economic theology in which represented by Muslim businessmen in

Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving) . 19

The chapter five investigates the second pattern of a dissemination of

Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology. In this chapter I investigate Muslim businessmen who were fascinated by Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology but do not contact him directly. These businessmen adapt economic theology by creating a charity initiative called Sedekah Rombongan (Togetherness in

Performing Voluntray Alms Giving) .

Chapter Six is demonstrating that the popularity of business motivation seminars among the university students has facilitated a dissemination of

Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology of the second pattern. This chapter examines three case studies of young adults’ reception, adaptation and promotion of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology.

The Chapter Seven is a conclusion. It responds to four research questions that I have addressed in Chapter introduction. In this chapter I demonstrate that the popularity of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology does not merely attributed to Yusuf Mansur individually, but significantly owing to the roles of Yusuf Mansur’s followers in entrepreneurial milieu.

20

Chapter Two

The Mapping of Islamic Management Knowledge in Indonesia: The Early and Recent Proponent Figures

Introduction

This chapter primarily provides an overview of Islamic interpretation on material development of human resource and management programs instigated by new preachers and trainers in Indonesia. The Islamic interpretations and programs would be situated within a dynamic of socio- political context of development in Indonesia. In this chapter I will analyse how the shift of socio-political settings has affected the nature of Islamic interpretations and related management and business trainings. In order to understand these changing Islamic interpretations and programs, I have prepared Table 2.1 on page 22. I also further define the preachers and trainers’ practice under the broad rubric of “Islamic management knowledge.” This term refers to a combination of Islamic moral and religious interpretations mixed with applied and successful business practice and popular ideas of

45 personal development.

Existing studies in this area have focused attention on the role of new preachers and trainers in formulating new and modern forms of Islamic propagation, which also include management training. These studies have

45 See my section of Definition of Concepts and Terms in Chapter One.

21

suggested that the new preachers and trainers have a new role as an emerging

46 source of Muslim religious authority in contemporary Indonesia. These studies have, however, mostly focused on the examination of contemporary figures. Consequently, the early proponents of Islamic management knowledge are still to be studied. This chapter will offer a comprehensive picture of

Islamic management knowledge and its key proponents in Indonesia from

1990s to the present-day in Indonesia.

This chapter starts by tracing the early development of Islamic management knowledge in Indonesia. It investigates two Muslim figures:

Imaduddin Abdulrahim and Toto Tasmara.The chapter then maps the recent development of Islamic management knowledge by highlighting key proponents, including Ary Ginanjar, Muhammad Syafii Antonio, Abdullah

Gymnastiar and Yusuf Mansur. The analysis of these figures focuses on their efforts to wed Islamic teachings with modern management ideas.

46 C.W. Watson, “A Popular Indonesian Preacher: The Significance of AA Gymnastiar, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 11, no. 4 (2005): 773-792; Julia Day Howell, “’Calling’ and ‘Training’: Role Innovation and Religious De-differentiation in Commercialised Indonesia Islam,” Journal of Contemporary Religion 28, no. 3 (2013): 401-419; Julia Day Howell, “Christendom, The Ummah and Community in the age of Televangelism,” Social Compass 61, no. 2 (2014): 234-249; James B. Hoesterey, “Prophetic Cosmopolitanism: Islam, Pop Psychology, and Civic Virtue in Indonesia,” City and Society 24, no. 1 (2012):38-61; Daromir Rudnyckyj, Spiritual Economies: Islam, Globalization, and the Afterlife of Development (Cornell: Cornell University Press, 2010); Minako Sakai, “Preaching to Muslim Youth in Indonesia: The ‘Dakwah’ Activities of Habiburrahman El Shirazy, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 46, no. 1 (2012): 9-31; Akh Muzakki, “Islamic Televangelism in Changing Indonesia: Transmission, Authority, and the Politics of Ideas,” in Global and Local Televangelism , ed. Pradip Ninan Thomas and Philip Lee (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 45-63.

22

Table 2.1: The Promoters of Islamic Management Knowledge in Indonesia

Preachers and Contexts (years) Branding of Islamic Islamic Interpretations of Trainers Management Human Resource and Programs Management Imaduddin The New Order Achievement Muslim as a steward of God Abdurrahim Development (late Motivation Training (khalifah fil ardh ) which has a 1990s). (AMT) strong potentials to create Changing strategies wealth of Suharto’s government towards political Islam. Toto Tasmara The New Order Achievement Muslim as a steward of God Development (late Motivation Training and has to strive for creating 1990s). (AMT) wealth ( jihad ) Changing strategies of Suharto’s government towards political Islam Ary Ginanjar Post New Order ESQ (Emotional Work as worship (2000s). Spiritual Quotient) Social and political context of Reformasi including campaigns against Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism (KKN) as well as Privatisation of state-owned enterprises Muhammad Post New Order Prophetic Leadership Prophet Muhammad as a good Syafii Antonio (2000s). and Management moral exemplar in leadership The crisis of (ProLM) and management leadership after Reformasi

Abdullah Post New Order MQ Training Prophet Muhammad as a good Gymnastiar and (2000s). The moral exemplar of pious and MQ trainers emergence of urban success businessman Muslim middle class who aspire to be rich and pious.

Yusuf Mansur Post New Order Wisata Hati Islamic devotional acts (2000s). The social especially sedekah (voluntary uncertainty faced by alms giving) is a method to seek urban Muslims prosperity in return from God including unemployment and a fragile business environment. 23

I. The Early Proponents of Indonesian Islamic Management Knowledge: Imaduddin Abdulrahim and Toto Tasmara

Imaduddin Abdulrahim was a lecturer at the Bandung Institute of

Technology (ITB). He obtained his master’s degree in electrical engineering from Iowa University USA in 1965. In addition to his academic activities, he was an activist in the Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam (The Islamic Student

Association) and widely regarded as an architect of the famous Islamic training sessions at the Salman Mosque at ITB in 1970s called Latihan Mujahid

Dakwah (Training of Da’wa Striver). These training sessions were designed to educate young Muslims to become a devout Muslim and to provide

47 participants with skills to propagate Islam.

Imaduddin’s training programs emphasised on two viewpoints: the monotheistic view of God and the significant role of Muslim as a steward of

God in this world ( khalifatullah fil-ardh ). His view accentuated a return to the original sources of Islam al-Qur’an and Hadist. This view was naturally recognised as ‘purification of Islam.’ Imaduddin’s two viewpoints have significantly shaped his idea of Islamic management as will be explained

48 shortly.

47 Rifki Rosyad, A Quest for True Islam: A Study of Islamic Resurgence Movement among the Youth in Bandung, Indonesia (Canberra: ANU E Press, 2006), 28. 48 Bahtiar Effendy argues that Imaduddin’s viewpoint on the purification of Islam is in line with Wahabi’s view on Islamic theology. See Bahtiar Effendy, “Memahami Konsep Tauhid Bang ‘Imad,” in Ahmad Tirtosudiro et.al, Bang ‘Imad: Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwahnya (Jakarta: Gema Insani Press, 2000), 143-145. Wahabi’s teachings on Islamic theology refer to the Salafi. It is an Islamic ideology that aims to regenerate Islam by return to the tradition 24

Imaduddin’s Salman mosques trainings were supported by Muhammad

Natsir, a charismatic leader of Majelis Syura Muslimin Indonesia (Indonesian

Islamic Syura Council, Masyumi). Natsir was an important figure in Islamic propagation during the New Order era. In 1967 he established Dewan

Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (Indonesian Council for Islamic Propagation,

DDII). The foundation of DDII was due to Suharto’s New Order restriction to political Islam including the rehabilitation of the banned Masyumi political party. Imaduddin was affiliated with the DDII and became active in international Islamic organisations including IIFSO (International Islamic

49 Federation of Student Organisation).

Imaduddin’s Salman mosque training sessions were considered as a threat by Suharto’s New Order. His sermons addressed the way the authoritarian Suharto New Order regime had restricted Islamic public and

50 political expression. Consequently, in 1978, Panglima Komando Pemulihan

Keamanan dan Ketertiban (the Commander of Security and Safety Operation,

Pangkopkaptib) Sudomo had Imaduddin arrested.

represented by the pious forefathers ( al-Salaf al-Salih ). Its foundation refers to the notion of islah (reform) and tajdid (renewal) that established by a number Salafi articulators including Ahmad bin Hanbal (AH 780-855) and Ahmad ibn Taymiyya (AH 1263-1328). Afterwards, its notion promoted by Muhammad ibn al-Wahhab (1703-92) in Saudi Arabia which is later well-known as Wahabi . See, Noorhaidi Hasan, “The Salafi Movement in Indonesia: Transnational Dynamics and Local Development,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27, no. 1 (2007): 83-94. 49 Noorhaidi Hasan, : Islam, Militancy and the Quest for Identity in Post-New Order Indonesia (Ithaca, New York: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 2006). 50 For example, the New Order prohibited wearing Islamic attire especially to wear headscarf for female student in public schools and the requirement of as sole basis.

25

After fourteen months in prison, Imaduddin was released. Imaduddin’s mentor in Islamic propagation, Muhammad Natsir encouraged and facilitated him to continue study in the United State of America. Through Natsir’s

Middle East network, Imaduddin received a scholarship from King Faisal

Foundation and the Kuwait Department of Religious Affair to undertake a

51 PhD at Iowa University in America.

Imaduddin’s activities in international Islamic organisations changed his interests and refocused his attention. He travelled widely to visit some Muslim countries where he observed the importance of human resource management being used in Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia. These experiences inspired him to study human resource development and to undertake a PhD in this new field at Iowa University USA in the 1980s. The decision to study the human resource development was clearly shown in his interview with V.S.

Naipaul quoted below:

“I discovered at that time that this country (Indonesia) needshuman resource development rather than high technology. I realised that the problem of the country was not technology. Technology can be bought if you have the money. But you cannot buy human resources who are dedicated to doing things for their country. You cannot expect Americans to come here to do things for this country. As a secretary–general of IFSO I travelled a lot. And one day in 1978, when I was in Saudi Arabia, I saw that they had established a very modern hospital, the King Faisal Hospital, but all the doctors, even nurses, were non-Arab. The Doctors were Americans; the nurses were Filipinos and Indians and Pakistanis. Saudi Arabia can 52 buy Awacs, but the pilots are Americans.”

51 Ahmad Tirtosudiro, Bang ‘Imad: Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwahnya , 43-44. Muhammad Natsir had a good connection with Middle East especially Saudi Arabia. He was a president of Muslim World League, an Islamic organisation based in Saudi Arabia. 52 V.S Naipaul, Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions among the Converted Peoples (London: Picador, 2010), 15. 26

In Iowa University, Imaduddin wrote a PhD thesis entitled

Organizational Effectiveness of Universities in Malaysia (1985). In this dissertation he highlighted human resource management as the most important solution to

53 the complex problem of education as a national development project.

Imaduddin’s focus on Malaysia started during his position as a guest lecture in

Technology University of Malaysia (UTM) in 1970s. During his stay in

Malaysia, Imaduddin instigated Latihan Mujahid Dakwah training sessions among the university students especially the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia

54 (Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia, ABIM) . One of his training attendees was Anwar Ibrahim, who afterwards became an important person in

Malaysian politics under the Mahathir Mohammad prime ministerial.

After completing his PhD in 1985, Imaduddin wanted to return to

Indonesia. However his previous record as a political prisoner under the New

Order obstructed his intention. Some of his close friends attempted to approach Alamsyah Ratu Prawiranegara, the Indonesian Minister of Religious

Affair at that time to offer Imaduddin a guarantee. As a result, in 1986

Imaduddin was permitted to return to Indonesia on the condition that he discontinued his criticism of Suharto’s New Order in his Islamic sermons.

Imaduddin’s career as a business consultant began after he lost his job at Institut Teknologi Bandung (Bandung Institute of Technology). Being

53 Daromir Rudnyckyj, Spiritual Economies, 58. 54 Zainah Anwar, Islamic Revivalism in Malaysia: Dakwah among the Students (Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk Publications, 1987), 19-20. 27

55 aware of Imaduddin’s situation, Hatta Rajasa invited him to establish a foundation. Hatta was one of his colleagues and his student at the Salman mosque training sessions who had subsequently become a successful businessman in oil drilling industry. They then established Yayasan Pembina

Sari Insani (the Foundation for the Development and Management of Human

56 Resources, YAASIN) in 1986 in Kuningan Jakarta.

A year later in 1987 Imaduddin had an opportunity to deliver a talk about Islamic management in Malaysia. He was invited by Anwar Ibrahim, as

57 the then Malaysian Minister of Education. Imaduddin’s lecture in Malaysia focused on promoting the new interpretation of Islamic theology namely

Muslim as a steward of God (khalifatullah fil-ardh). He suggested that the traditional Islamic theology which was popular among Malays had contributed to their fatalistic attitudes. The traditional Islamic theology refers to Sifat Dua

58 Puluh (the Twenty Attributes of God). Instead of highlighting the significant

55 After Reformasi, Hatta Rajasa is well known as a politician of Partai Amanat Nasional () and a vice presidential candidate in the 2014 Presidential election. 56 The name of YAASIN seems to refer to one chapter in Al-Qur’an named YAASIN. It is a famous chapter of the Al-Qur’an among the Indonesian in which recited during the or tahlilan in villages. 57 Ahmad Tirtosudiro Bang ‘Imad: Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwahnya , 50-51. 58 Sifat Dua Puluh (Twenty Attributes of God) is the most popular Islamic theological concept among the Malays people. Until recently the Twenty Attributes of God is circulated among the Malay people through the Islamic study groups and Islamic sermons. The notion was introduced by al-Sanusi (1437-1490) and being transmitted into Muslim archipelago in nineteenth century through a Kitab Jawi as commentary of Sanusi treatise called Aqidah al- Najin by Zain al-Abidin Ibn Muhammad al-Patani. See Mohd. Nor Bin Ngah, Kitab Jawi: Islamic Thought of the Malay Scholars (Singapore: ISEAS, 1983), 9-10 ; Virginia Matheson and M.B Hooker, “Jawi Literature in Patani: The Maintenance of an Islamic Tradition,” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 61, no. 1 (1988): 1-86; Mujiburrahman, “Islamic 28

position of Muslims as stewards of God to seek prosperity in this world, the traditional Islamic theology underscored the way to understand the God’s attributes. He maintained that Malays cannot achieve a development and progress if they remained to embrace the traditional Islamic theology .

Furthermore, Imaduddin combined his idea of Islamic theology with the ‘need for achievement’ using the conceptual framework promoted by

David McClelland. I argue that Imaduddin’s contribution in advocating

Islamic management knowledge is his own re-interpretations of Islamic theology using the ideas coming from McClelland’s need for achievement.

Imaduddin asserts that Muslim is a steward of God ( khalifah fil-ardh ). As a steward of God, a Muslim has a strong potential to create wealth in this world and Imaduddin has linked this with McClelland’s ‘need for achievement’ to

59 foster a productive and entrepreneurial subject in the workplace. He remarked that the blend of Islamic theology and need for achievement

60 produced the idea that ‘work is worship’ ( kerja adalah ibadah ).

Theological Texts and Contexts in Banjarese Society: An Overview of the Existing Studies ,” Southeast Asian Studies 3, no. 3 (2014): 611-641. 59 Ahmad Tirtosudiro Bang ‘Imad: Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwahnya, 14-20. See also David C. McClelland, The Achieving Society (New York, Collier-Macmillan Limited, London: The Free Press, 1967), 65. 60 Imaduddin Abdulrahim, Semangat Tawhid dan Motivasi Kerja (Kuala Lumpur: Institut Kajian Dasar Malaysia, 1992). Imaduddin’s idea of Islamic theology seems to connect with Weber’s notion on ‘calling’ in Protestant ethic. Weber argued that idea about “calling” is the product of the Reformation which means “the valuation of the fulfilment of duty in worldly affairs as the highest form which the moral activity of the individual could assume. This is was which inevitably gave everyday worldly activity a religious significance.” See Max Weber, the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1976), 80. 29

Why did Imaduddin need to wed his idea of Islamic theology with

David McClelland’s need for achievement? I argue that David McClelland’s need for achievement was most popular management theory in 1980s in developing countries. The need for achievement considerably affected modernisation of the developing countries, including Indonesia, in that

McClelland argued that there is a significant relationship between need for achievement and economic development. He argued “if the need for achievement level is high, there will presumably be more people who behave

61 like entrepreneurs, acting to produce more than they consume.” In 1963

McClelland and his colleagues established an enduring institution, The Human

Resource Development Corporation to develop and practice achievement

62 motivation training particularly in targeted developing countries .

In fact, David McClelland’s need for achievement was widely used in

NGOs training during 1980s in Indonesia. These training programs were popularly called Achievement Motivation Training (AMT). Some prominent

NGOs such as Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan, Penerangan Ekonomi dan

Sosial (Institute for Social and Economic Research, Education and

Information, LP3ES) and Bina Swadaya that promoted community development program to address the issue of poverty used AMT as their training instrument. AMT was recognised as an excellent method to help and

61 David C. McClelland 1967, The Achieving Society (New York, Collier-Macmillan Limited, London: The Free Press, 1967), 65. 62 David G Winter 1982, “David C. McClelland: An Intellectual Biography” in Motivation and Society , ed. Abigail. J. Stewart (San Francisco, Washington, London: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1982), xix-xxxiv. 30

assist communities in changing traditional social views on achievement and entrepreneurship to more ‘modern’ ones by encouraging them to become

63 active and vigorous in setting up enterprise groups. However, references to

Islam did not exist until Imaduddin established YAASIN and wedded his new interpretation of Islamic theology with need for achievement.

Imaduddin’s lecture on Islamic management was published in 1992 in

Malaysia entitled Semangat Tawhid dan Motivasi Kerja (The Spirit of Islamic

64 Monotheism and Work Motivation). The book has become one of the most significant and quoted publications on Islamic management in 1990s.

65 According to Hefner Imaduddin’s book was widely circulated in photocopy form among the Muslim businessmen and activists during the 1990s.

One of Imaduddin’s public lecture attendees was the Director of State-

Owned Electricity Institute of Malaysia (Lembaga Listrik Negara). He was impressed by Imaduddin’s initiative in blending Islam with modern management theory. At that time, Malaysia under the Prime Minister Mahathir

Mohammad had massively promoted the Islamisation of the state, including

63 Mansour Fakih, Masyarakat Sipil untuk Transformasi Sosial: Pergolakan Ideologi LSM di Indonesia (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 1996), 103-128; Bob. S Hadiwinata, The Politics of NGOs in Indonesia: Developing Democracy and Managing a Movement (London and New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003), 103- 108. 64 This publication was initially appeared in Ulumul Qur’an an academic journal published by Lembaga Studi Agama dan Filsafat . “Sikap Tauhid dan Motivasi Kerja” (1990). Then it republished in Malay language in Malaysia (1992). See Imaduddin Abdulrahim, “Sikap Tauhid dan Motivasi Kerja,” Jurnal Ulumul Qur’an 2, no. 6 (1990): 36-43; Imaduddin Abdulrahim, Semangat Tawhid dan Motivasi Kerja (Kuala Lumpur: Institut Kajian Dasar Malaysia, 1992). 65 See Robert W Hefner’s footnote 14. Robert W Hefner, “Islam, Economic Globalization, and the Blended Ethics of Self,” Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 3 (2012): 91-108 31

the establishing International Islamic University, Islamic Bank and

66 Islamisation of knowledge. Imaduddin’s efforts to blend Islam and modern management had attracted the Director. He appointed Imaduddin as a

67 management consultant of the State-owned enterprise.

II. Imaduddin, ICMI and the New Interpretation of Human Resource Management

In the early 1990s the configuration of Suharto’s New Order politics changed dramatically towards Islam. It impacted significantly on the social and

68 political atmosphere of Islam. This new situation also drove Muslim reformists to become active in interpreting some key Islamic theories of economics and human resource development which were also used to support

Suharto’s development project.

66 See Mona Abaza, Debates on Islam and Knowledge in Malaysia and Egypt: Shifting Worlds (New York: Routledge, 2002); Christopher A. Furlow, “Malaysian Modernities: Cultural Politics and Construction of Muslim Technoscientific Identities,” Anthropological Quarterly 82, no. 1 (2009): 197-228. 67 Ahmad Tirtosudiro, 51. 68 For example, the New Order removed the prohibition on veils for Muslim girls in schools, supported the establishment ICMI (the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectual) , and donated funds to build thousands of mosques throughout Indonesia. In order to perform his commitment to Islam, Suharto and his family went to Mecca for pilgrimage and followed by Tutut’s appearance, a daughter of Suharto, wearing headscarf in public events. See R. William Liddle, “The Islamic Turn in Indonesia: A Political Explanation,” Journal of Asian Studies 55, no. 3 (1996): 613-634; Ariel Heryanto, “The Years of Living Luxuriously: Identity Politics of Indonesian’s New Rich,” In Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia , ed. Michael Pinches (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 159-18 32

69 Howard Federspiel highlights three major Islamic concepts that were developed and discussed by Islamic scholars and religious leaders, namely human as stewards of God ( khalifatullah fil ardi ), sharing wealth through religious tax ( zakat ) and fear of God ( taqwa ). For example, Federspiel shows that Syafii Maarif, a prominent Muslim figure, the second largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia, interpreted the concept of taqwa

(fear of God) through a more positive reading. Taqwa (fear of God) for Maarif was a calling to Muslims to apply high discipline to achieve good behaviour.

The new context of Islam also significantly impacted on Imaduddin’s activities. As an influential figure in the Islamic movement during the 1980s he then instigated initial meetings in Yogyakarta and Malang by inviting Muslim reformists to propose the establishment of Muslim intellectual association.

Afterwards, they visited Habibie to present their proposal to establish Ikatan

Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (The Association of Indonesian Muslim

Intellectuals, ICMI).

Imaduddin affiliated with Habibie due to Habibie’s closeness to

Suharto and also because of his reputation in technology and Islamic religious practice. Habibie was widely recognised as practicing Islam in his everyday life from praying five times a day to optional fasting on every Monday and

69 Howard M. Federspiel, Indonesia in Transition: Muslim Intellectuals and National Development (New York: Nova Science Publisher, 1998). 33

70 Thursday. As a result, Habibie was elected and appointed as the chairman of

71 ICMI at its establishment in December 1990 in Malang.

72 According to William Liddle , one interpretation that has come to the fore regarding the establishment of ICMI is that ICMI aimed to improve the quality of human resources in Indonesia. The discussion of human resources not only emphasised technological matters but also involved Islamic values. In the popular mind, the discourse of human resource was a combination of

Iptek (Ilmu Pengetahuan dan Teknologi, Science and Technology) and Imtaq

(Iman dan Taqwa, Faith and Devotion). The terms were originally presented by Habibie when he opened the Istiqlal Festival in February in 1990.

During the 1990s the combination of Iptek and Imtaq was famously articulated in recorded sermon by a popular preacher Zainuddin MZ as

73 ‘having a German brain with a Mecca heart’ ( otak Jerman, hati Mekkah ) .

German denotes to the idea of technology and also the figure of Habibie who was trained in Germany. Meanwhile Mecca refers to the Islamic site of pilgrimage and is also a metaphor for devotion. In short, the combination of

70 Sulfikar Amir, “Symbolic Power in a Technocratic Regime: The Reign of B.J. Habibie in New Order Indonesia,” Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 22, no.1 (2007): 83-106; V.S Naipaul, Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions among the Converted Peoples , 19. 71 Robert W. Hefner, Civil Islam: Muslims and Democratization in Indonesia, 128-166; R. William Liddle, “The Islamic Turn in Indonesia: A Political Explanation.” Journal of Asian Studies 55, no. 3 (1996): 613-634. 72 Ibid. 73 During the establishment of ICMI, I was a senior high school student. I regularly listened to the Zainuddin MZ who used and popularised the term “having a Germany brain with a Mecca heart” via the radio. 34

Iptek and Imtaq in the discourse of human resource management echoed the

74 idea that modern knowledge is compatible with Islamic teachings.

Since the establishment of ICMI, Imaduddin’s career changed dramatically. The YAASIN foundation won a tender from the Indonesian

Ministry of Health to coach and train all public hospital managers in

75 Indonesia. He also had a much greater freedom to engage in Islamic

76 preaching including in a regular Islamic television program Hikmah Fajar (a

Wisdom of Dawn) which featured Muslim intellectuals who delivered

77 sermons.

Habibie also appointed Imaduddin to develop human resource management ideas and conduct Islamic management training. His work was to offer training for those who received scholarships from Habibie and studied overseas. Over the years Imaduddin visited Europe, as well as

Australia in order to deliver training sessions to the students who received

Habibie’s scholarships. The primary purpose of the Imaduddin’s overseas

74 Sulfikar Amir, “Symbolic Power in a Technocratic Regime: The Reign of B.J. Habibie in New Order Indonesia,” 75 Fuad Ansyari, “Imaduddin Sang Abang dan Teman Seperjuangan” in Bang ‘Imad: Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwahnya, 209; Sugiat Ahmad Sumadi, “HMI, LDMI, LMD, AMT, ICMI, DI dan akhirnya Sufi” in Ban g ‘Imad: Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwahnya , 247-251. Bachtiar Effendy, “Memahami Konsep Tauhid Bang Imad.” 76 Robert W. Hefner, Civil Islam: Muslims and Democratization in Indonesia, 153. 77 Imaduddin regularly conveyed his idea of Muslim as a steward of God which has a strong potential to create wealth in Hikmah Fajar television program. Hikmah Fajar was a regular Islamic television program of RCTI. It featured a host who directed a discussion with a Muslim cleric. See Inaya Rakhmani, “Regime and Representation: Islam in Indonesian Television 1962 to 1998,” Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 47, no. 1 (2013): 61-88.

35

training sessions was to train students to become good Muslims and good

Indonesians. In his interview with Naipaul, Imaduddin mentioned “when they become devout Muslims and good leaders of Indonesia, they will not think

78 about revolution but about accelerated evolution.”

I argue that the new context of Islam also shifted Imaduddin’s Islamic management trainings from cultivating a productive subject in the workplace to shaping the political subject, namely good and loyal citizen to Suharto’s

New Order. If previously Imaduddin’s Islamic management training activated

Muslim as a steward of God to nurture productive employees, the new

Imaduddin’s training sessions were deliberately intended to produce loyal and productive citizens. Regarding to the changing of the social and political context of the New Order, V.S Naipaul mentioned the significance of

Imaduddin’s Yayasan Pembina Sari Insan (the foundation for the development and management of Human Resourse, YAASIN):

“Human Resource” would have meant people; their development meant their becoming devout Muslims; the management of those devout people would have meant weaning them away from old loyalties, whatever these were, and getting them 79 to follow the technological-political line of Imaduddin and Habibie.”

The above analysis of Imaduddin reveals that he pioneered the Islamic management theory in Indonesia. He articulated Islamic theology as a basic belief of Muslim in a modern articulation. Instead of defining Islamic theology as a method to recognise the existence of God, he located it as a spirit to

78 V.S Naipaul, Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions among the Converted Peoples, 20. 79 Ibid, 13. 36

develop. His view on the individual Muslim as a steward of God who possesses an aptitude to create prosperity in this world seems to be in line with

80 Weber’s notion of ‘calling’ in the Protestant ethic .

The assessment of social and political context shows that religious articulation is influenced and constructed by the particular social and political atmosphere of the time. During the political restrictions of Suharto’s New

Order towards Islam, Imaduddin’s Islamic theology idea also revolved around criticising Suharto. However, after the change of Suharto’s political configuration to Islam in the late 1990s, his idea was mobilised to support

New Order’s human development project namely a devout and loyal citizenry.

III. Toto Tasmara: Echoing Muslim Work Ethic

Toto Tasmara continued Imaduddin’s efforts to promote emergent

Islamic management theory in Indonesia. Toto was one of Imaduddin’s cadres in the Salman mosque training sessions and had also paid attention to the development of Islamic management theory in the late 1990s. Toto was a

Psychology of Communication graduate from Padjajaran University (UNPAD) in Bandung. During his studies at UNPAD, as many with other university students at that time, Toto was also attracted to Imaduddin’s training sessions at the Salman mosque of Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB).

80 Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism ( George Allen & Unwin, 1976); Bryan S Turner, “Islam, Capitalism and the Weber Theses,” The British Journal of Sociology 25, no. 2 (1974): 230-243; Bryan S Turner, Religion and Contemporary Sociological Theories,” Current Sociology 62, no. 6 (2014): 771-788. 37

After attending Imaduddin’s trainings, Toto realised that Imaduddin’s trainings did not reach teenagers. Accordingly, he started to focus on propagating Islam amongst senior high school students. He frequently delivered Islamic sermons at the Istiqamah mosque in Bandung every Sunday morning. His dedication to Islamic propagation from the late 1970s to 1980s made him one of the most popular ‘ muballigh’ (Muslim preacher) in Bandung.

Furthermore, Toto established an organisation called Badan

Komunikasi Pemuda Mesjid Indonesia (the Communication Body for

Indonesian Young Mosque Activists, BKPMI). BKPMI was established in

1977 and aimed at connecting young Muslim based on mosque activistism in all part of Indonesia. He also pioneered a training program named

Laboratorium Mental (Mental Laboratory) popularly called as Labment in

1984. It was aimed at preparing young Muslims especially senior high school

81 students to become active in Islamic propagation.

The New Order, however, restricted the Islamic expressions in public and required all organisations to adopt Pancasila as a sole ideology, The

BKPMI activists rejected this sole ideology policy (asas tunggal) and it was that finally put them in conflict with the regime. Subsequently, Toto Tasmara’s

Islamic propagation activities in BKPMI as well as Labment were considered

81 Nur Mursidi, “Labmend: Lembaga Bina Menajemen dan Da’wah (Laboratory for Management and Development)” Hidayah , May 2005 http://nm- hidayah.blogspot.com.au/2005/05/labmend-lembaga-bina-menajemen-dan.html (accessed 25 September 2014). 38

to be a threat by the New Order. As a result Toto was regularly imprisoned by

82 the regime.

When the New Order improved its relationship with Muslim reformist groups in late 1980s, Muslim activists of BKPMI recognised Pancasila as its ideology. Their acceptance of Pancasila has two implications. The first is that, activists had much access to New Order political elites and this will be explored in the following discussion. However, their acceptance of Pancasila also indicated how the New Order succeeded in capturing Islamic

83 organisations by “channelling its ‘radical’ potential to social concerns.

Without doubt the social and political change of the New Order towards Islam during the 1990s opened channels for Muslim reformist activists to access to the political elites of Suharto’s New Order. Toto Tasmara was one of these activists. In 1992 he was appointed as the Corporate

Secretary of Humpuss Group, a company owned by Hutomo Mandala Putra or well-known as Tommy, the younger son of the then President Suharto.

Using his position in Tommy’s company, Toto pioneered some important initiatives relating to Islam such as the first National Contest of Al-Qur’an

Reading for Quranic Kindergarten Students and the Festival of Pious

Indonesian Children (Festival Anak Shaleh) in 1992. These initiatives were

82 Rifki Rosyad, A Quest for True Islam, 39-41; Donald J. Porter, Managing Politics and Islam in Indonesia (London and New York: Routledge Curzon, 2002), 84. 83 Ibid

39

fully supported by the Humpuss Company and were opened by the

84 Indonesia’s then First Lady, Tien Suharto.

Despite his Islamic propagation activities, Toto developed a good reputation in Multinational Corporations. Prior to his commitment to the

Humpuss Company, he had worked at various companies such as Richardson-

Merrel and Singer. His attention to issues of human resource management seemed to begin during his appointment as an Assistant Vice President of

Bank Duta for human resource management. Furthermore he also undertook training in human resources management at the National University of

Singapore. Consequently, it was not surprising that his subsequent career was dedicated to the development of human resources.

While Toto worked with Humpuss Company, he published a best- selling book that explored the idea of work ethics for Muslims entitled Etos

85 Kerja Pribadi Muslim (The Work Ethic of the Individual Muslim). In this book he highlighted the social and religious meaning of work for a Muslim. He concisely situated the notion of Muslim as a steward of God which has to strive for creating wealth in this world. His ideas adopted Imaduddin’s concept of Islamic theology. In Toto’s view, Islamic theology instructs Muslims to obey God’s commands completely. God commands a Muslim to fulfil his duty as a steward of God ( khalifatullah fil-ardh ) in order to realise prosperity

(kemakmuran ) in this world. He also mentioned that God proclaims in the Al-

84 Ibid. 85 Toto Tasmara, Etos Kerja Pribadi Muslim (Yogyakarta: Dana Bhakti Wakaf, 1994). 40

Qur’an that Muslims are to be khairu ummah (the best community) who have an obligation to promote peaceful messages for the universe.

However, Toto argued that the Islamic theology and ‘the best community’ should be put into practice by instilling them with idea of jihad

(endeavour). In contrast to the general definition of jihad as simply “war”,

Toto defined it as ‘an effort to summon a goal and aim.’ The combination of

Islamic theology and jihad in Toto’s interpretation generates a Muslim work ethic namely “a world view which instructs a Muslim that the essence of work is not merely self-actualisation and fulfilment of the human being but is also

86 significantly a manifestation of good deeds and is to be valued as worship.”

In order to illustrate the Muslim work ethic Toto used the story of

Abdurrahman bin Auf, a companion of the Prophet Muhammad. He writes:

“We have to interpret the word “jihad” in more workable way. It contains a work ethic that stimulates in each Muslim a need for achievement. This spirit can be found in one of the Prophet Muhammad’s companions, Abdurrahman bin Auf. He was a good moral exemplar for us and he had a strong Islamic work ethic. Abdurrahman was well-known as a professional trader and recognised as one of the richest in Mecca at that time. He decided to migrate ( hijrah ) with the Prophet Muhammad to Medina and left behind his life of luxury in Mecca. When he came to Medina, his best friend Saad bin Rabi offered him a property and luxury but he did not accept this offer. He prayed to God to supply his needs and said to Saad: “could you show me the location of market?” The entrepreneurial, the patient, the sincere and the competent fused in the figure of Abdurrahman. Abdurrahman believed that life was to be valued when worked hard and met the challenges of business (and the market). We know that Abdurrahman won the market competition. He was also able

86 Ibid, 17-28 (my own translation).

41

87 to play the role of the richest Muslim who could help the needy at any time. (My own translation)

This Etos Kerja Pribadi Muslim (The Work Ethic of the Individual

Muslim) was essentially developed from Toto’s Achievement Motivation

Training (AMT) programs that he ran among company employees. Beside its exploration of the religious and philosophical dimensions of work ethics in

Islam, the book particularly involved motivational and practical formulae. In a chapter about aims ( cita-cita ) for example, Toto led his readers into stepping into the process of projecting their aims, namely a realistic and specific set of aims that were challenging and measurable. While exploring the steps, Toto cited religious references from both al-Qur’an and Hadist to link these steps

88 with Islamic foundational texts.

The political elites of Suharto’s New Order positively praised the publication of Etos Kerja Pribadi Muslim (The Work Ethic of the Individual

Muslim) . For example, The Ministry of Manpower, Abdul Latief and the CEO of Humpuss, Hutomo Mandala Putra (or as he is more popularly known,

Tommy Suharto) gave testemonials this book. In his testimonial, Latief mentioned that the book contributed to the efforts made by government to improve the quality of human resources in Indonesia. Latief highlighted the fact that the Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Five Years Development

Plans, REPELITA) of the New Order government had entered into a second phase which emphasised economic and human resources development. This

87 Toto Tasmara, Etos Kerja Pribadi Muslim (Yogyakarta: Dana Bhakti Wakaf, 1994). 88 Ibid 63-74. 42

allowed policy makers in the late New Order period to word the issue of human resource management in terms that were substantially loaded towards

Islam and this Islamisation of vocabulary was also the result of the changing political configuration of the New Order government towards Islam.

In 1997, Toto resigned from Humpuss and continued to develop his concern in human resources management by evolving his earlier concept of

Labment (Mental Laboratory). This can be seen in his popularising of a new acronym where the final letter ‘T’ of “Labment” is replaced with a “D” to become Labmend, namely Laboratory for Management and Mental

Development. The change reflected different connotations and aims. If the former was focused on Islamic propagation training that targeted young

Muslims, the latter was more oriented towards developing human resources management training such as Achievement Motivation Training (AMT),

Managerial Skill Workshop (MSW) and Super Achievement Motivation

89 Training and Work Ethic.

His attention to the issue of Islamic management training seems to have continued after the . Following the popularity of

Emotional Quotient idea in Indonesia in 2000s, Toto Tasmara also developed the idea of ‘Kecerdasan Ruhaniah’ (Transcendental Intelligence) and created a training program targeting managers that was called Spiritual Centered

89 Nur Mursidi, “Labmend,” (http://nm-hidayah.blogspot.com.au/2005/05/labmend- lembaga-bina-menajemen-dan.html (accessed 25 September 2014). 43

90 Leadership. Although his training programs were not popular as Ary

Ginanjar’s Emotional and Spiritual Quetient as will be explained in the following discussion, some companies such as Jasa Marga Company, Bank

Syariah Mandiri, and Bank Rakyat Indonesia Syariah have regularly appointed

Toto and his training institution Labmend to deliver motivational training to

91 their employees.

My analysis of Imaduddin Abdulrahim and Toto Tasmara has demonstrated that they pioneered the Islamic management theory in

Indonesia. They attempted to interpret Islamic teachings in order to create a coherent model of Islamic management theory that was cogniscent of modern management theory. During the New Order, David McClelland’s need for achievement theory was the most popular management theory and widespread use. Imaduddin and Toto Tasmara promoted new Islamic interpretation of

Islamic theology which promoted the obligation of Muslim to create wealth and then wedded it with McClelland’s need for achievement theory. Moreover, they also fostered the idea of work as a form of worship.

The articulation of Islamic theology and jihad as the basis of a Muslim work ethic does not rest solely on Imaduddin and Toto’s interpretation. Asef

90 Toto Tasmara, Kecerdasan Ruhaniah (Trancendental Intelligence): Membentuk Kepribadian yang Bertanggung Jawab, Profesional dan Berakhlak (Jakarta: Gema Insani Press, 2001) dan Toto Tasmara, Spiritual Centered Leadership: Kepemimpinan Berbasis Spiritual (Jakarta: Gema Insani Press, 2006). 91 In 2002, Toto’s Etos Kerja Pribadi Muslim (1994) was reprint in revised edition entitled Toto Tasmara, Membudayakan Etos Kerja Islami (Jakarta: Gema Insani Press, 2002). The new publication was endorsed by Imaduddin Abdulrahim. Imaduddin mentioned “This book is must-read for managers that manage Muslim employees in order to improve the productivity of their business to support the prosperity of nation which recently nearly to collapse.” 44

92 Bayat in his comparative analysis of work ethics in Islam and Protestantism demonstrates that an Islamic notion of work as worship began emerging in the

1980s during a period of particular Islamic revival in Muslim countries. It was developed by a number of Muslim writers, including Ibrahim El-Ne’mah,

Ayyad and Ismail Al-Faruqi. Following the interpretation of work as jihad,

Bayat writes:

Some Islamic commentators hold the idea that Islam regards work as jihad (holy war) and workers as mujahidin, who fight to spread the word of God on earth. They tend to base this notion on a Hadist from the Prophet. According to this Hadist , his disciple saw a very energetic man working. They asked the Prophet: “Would it be better if he devoted his energy for the sake of God?” The Prophet replied: “If he is working to earn a living for young children, for old parents or earning his own living, it is (like a jihad ) for the sake of God. (But) if he is only going out to show off, 93 it is for the sake of the devil.”

Based on Bayat’s analysis, I would point out that Imaduddin

Abdulrahim and Toto Tasmara may have been exposed to these ideas through their activity in international Islamic networks, such as the International

Islamic Federation of Student Organisations (IIFSO) or through their available publications.

The following exploration will analyse the development of Islamic management theory in the post New Order era. I will show that the concept of “work as worship” remains significant notion in Islamic management theory in this era. However, the new social and political context of Indonesia

92 Asef Bayat, “The Work Ethic in Islam: A Comparison with Protestantism,” The Islamic Quarterly 36, no 1 (1992): 5-27 93 Ibid., 11 45

during the Reformasi period has also significantly contributed to the making of various interpretations of Islamic teachings and their application to modern management theory.

I divide the development of Islamic management theory in the post

New Order period into two form of expressions namely management training and business motivation seminar. Management training targets executives and high rank employees in companies, while business motivation seminar targets general audiences, from university students to professionals who are approaching retirement. Although in fact the Islamic management theory in these two activities intersectings and intertwines, the two activities

(management training and motivational seminar) emphasise the spread of

Islamic management theory from a purely corporate employee orientation to much wider audiences.

IV. A Developing Islamic Corporate Management Theory

In this section, I will analyse two proponent figures: Ary Ginanjar and

Muhammad Syafii Antonio. Ary Ginanjar is a trainer who promotes

Emotional and Spiritual Quotient (ESQ), while Muhammad Syafii Antonio is a consultant on Islamic banking and finance who promotes the idea of the

Prophet Muhammad as a good moral exemplar.

After the fall of Suharto, Indonesia experienced a large number of social and political challenges. These challenges include corruption, collusion, 46

94 nepotism (Korupsi Kolusi dan Nepotisme, KKN) and a crisis in leadership.

An awareness of these challenges has also been significantly driven the emergence of various Islamic management training schemes. Islamic management training programs address the crucial issues of the post New

Order era such as corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN), the privatisation of state-owned enterprises and the crisis of leadership.

Instead of copying the Western management ideas, the proponent figures, such as Ary Ginanjar, have been creatively blending western management ideas with Islamic teachings and values. Ary Ginanjar a former lecture, who switched to being a businessman, created a management training program named Emotional and Spiritual Quotient (ESQ). ESQ has come to the fore as a popular training program during 2000. It has been used to train more than 600.000 company employees.

95 According to Daromir Rudnyckyj , Ary Ginanjar deliberately merged

96 the idea of Emotional and Spiritual Quotient from Stephen R Covey and

94 Ken Young, “Post-Suharto: A Change of Regime?” in Reformasi: Crisis and Change in Indonesia , ed. Arief Budiman, Barbara Hatley and Damien Kingbury (Monash: Monash Asia Institute, 1999), 69-104. 95 Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Worshipping Work: Producing Commodity Producers in Contemporary Indonesia,” in Taking Southeast Asia to Market: Commodities, Nature, and People in the Neoliberal Age ed. Joseph Nevins and Nancy Lee Peluso (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2008), 73-87; Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Engineering Entrepreneurial Ethics: Islam after Development in Indonesia,” Moussons 21 (2013): 37-49. 96 Stephen R Covey is widely recognised as best seller writers of popular management books include The Seven Habits of Highly Effective People. The book has been translated into more than fifty various languages. He also recognised as management guru. 47

97 Danah Zohar with Islamic teachings, namely the Five Pillar of Islam (Lima

Rukun Islam) and the Six Pillars of Iman (Enam Rukun Iman). ESQ training addresses moral crises such as corruption, collusion nepotism by inculcating

98 the ethic of work as worship.

Meanwhile Syafii Antonio, a PhD graduate from Melbourne University and widely known as an expert on Islamic finance initiated management training called Prophetic Leadership and Management (ProLM). The training program addresses the problem of leadership in the period after New Order developmentalism. It highlights the Prophet Muhammad’s life as a leader in military, family, and state spheres. Syafii Antonio wrote a book entitled

99 Muhammad SAW: Super Leader, Super Manager . The ProLM training targets high ranking government officers and executives in order to encourage greater initiative in leadership.

There is no doubt that the Islamic management training programs have

100 attracted the Indonesian urban Muslim middle class. Rudnyckyj argues that there are three reasons as to why Muslim middle class are attracted to these programs and their publications. First, the training sessions and publications

97 Danah Zohar is a best seller writer. One of her popular publications is about Spiritual Quotient (SQ) entitled SQ: Connecting with Our Spiritual Intelligence . 98 Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Worshipping Work: Producing Commodity Producers in Contemporary Indonesia.” 73-87. 99 Muhammad Syafii Antonio, Muhammad SAW: the Super Leader, Super Manager (Jakarta: Tazkia Multimedia, 2007). 100 Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Religion and Asia’s Middle Class,” in Routledge Handbook of Religions in Asia , ed. Bryan S. Turner and Oscar Salemink (London and New York: Routledge, 2014): 329-342. 48

have provided an additional dimension to the meaning of work. Work is not merely understood as earning a living but it is also recognised as worship.

Second, they have provided an alternative religious authority that is more attractive and modern than established religious authorities. Finally they have also served to reconcile modern technology and attitudes with religion.

In addition to the local social and political context, the globalisation of

101 management knowledge has significantly impacted on Indonesia as well.

During the New Order period, AMT was recognised as the only beneficial training program, whereas in the Post New Order environment there is a more dynamic attitude towards management theory. It began with the translation of popular management publications into Indonesia such as Steven R Covey’s

Seven as well as Eight Habits of highly effective people and Robert Kiyosaki’s Rich Dad

102 Poor Dad. These publications have significantly influenced Islamic management practice in Indonesia.

Moreover, it is worth noting that the presence of these translations in

Indonesia was also driven by the worldwide growth of self-help literature.

Micki McGee has indicated that new trends in self-help literature that have stressed self-invention and self-development have become popular and are part of a significant industry in American society in the 1990s. She argues that

101 Nigel Thrift, Knowing Capitalism (London: Sage Publications, 2005), 29-50. 102 Robert Kiyosaki is well-known as investor and rich quick guru. He writes several books about how to be rich. His books have been translated into Indonesian entitled Robert T. Kiyosaki, Rich Dad, Poor Dad : Apa yang diajarkan Orang Kaya pada Anak-anak Mereka Tentang uang yang tidak diajarkan oleh Orang Miskin dan Kelas Menengah (Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka st Utama, 31 edition, 2012); Steven R Covey 7 Kebiasaan Manusia Yang Sangat Efektif (Jakarta, Binarupa Aksara, 1997). 49

the boom in such publications is because of the American’s responses toward the “new insecurity” in standard of jobs available and problems associated

103 with building the family.

McGee has divided the trend in America into two categories; self-made and self-belabored. The earlier trend is mostly represented by the ideal of individual success and self-invention through successful figures such as

Benjamin Franklin, Andrew Carnegie and Bill Gates. This self-made trend was intended to encourage American workers to believe that vast material, social and personal success was available to anyone who is willing to work long and hard enough. Meanwhile the latter trend, has focused on inventing an autonomous and self-sufficient self which encourages people to make efforts

104 at self-making and self-invention.

V. The Rise of Entrepreneurship Training and Seminars

Post New Order developments have also witnessed the rise of Islamic business motivation seminars which promote the idea of prosperity. There are two clear Islamic messages concerning prosperity and wealth in Indonesia.

The first is that Islam encourages prosperity, but also recommends that

Muslims who aspire to be rich, should also be pious by using their wealth to

103 Micki McGee, Self-Help, Inc. Makeover Culture in American Life (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 11-16 104 Ibid

50

undertake good deeds. Meanwhile, the latter highlights that performing Islamic

105 devotional acts can expedite Muslims’ paths to prosperity.

The promoter of the first current of thought on Islamic prosperity is

Abdullah Gymnastiar. He is well-known as a celebrity preacher and Muslim televangelist. During his peak popularity in 2000 he had some successful businesses under the MQ management. He also wrote a book entitled Saya

Tidak Ingin Kaya, Tapi Harus Kaya (I Do Not Want to Be Rich but I Have to Be

106 Rich) . In this book Abdullah Gymnastiar invented a particular moment of

Prophet Muhammad’s life history especially his involvement in commerce.

Abdullah Gymnastiar interprets the Prophet Muhammad’s characteristics such as al-amin (trustworthy) as being in line with modern attitudes such as accountability, responsibilitiy and hard work. He also reframes the Prophet Muhammad as a professional, an entrepreneur and a rich

107 man. In short, the Prophet Muhammad has been reframed as a good moral

108 exemplar for Muslims in management as well as in business.

105 Greg Fealy, “Consuming Islam: Commodified Religion and Aspirational Pietism in Contemporary Indonesia.” in Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia , ed. Greg Fealy and Sally White (Singapore: ISEAS, 2008), 15-39.

106 Abdullah Gymnastiar, Saya Tidak Ingin Kaya, Saya Harus Kaya (Bandung: MQS, 2006).

107 James B Hoesterey, Sufis and Self-Help Gurus: Islamic Psychology, Religious Authority, and Muslim Subjectivity in Contemporary Indonesia , unpublished PhD thesis (University of Wisconsin- Madison, 2009); James B. Hoesterey, “Prophetic Cosmopolitanism: Islam, Pop Psychology, and Civic Virtue in Indonesia,” City and Society 24, no. 1 (2012):38-61; James B Hoesterey, Rebranding Islam: Piety, Prosperity and A Self-Help Guru (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016). 108 Ibid., 38-61. In accordance to the modern form of Prophet Muhammad biography, Anna M. Gade finds that religious biography of the Prophet Muhammad in Indonesia is narrated in diverse narrations targets various audiences. She provides an example that the Prophet 51

Business motivation training and seminars target urban Muslims who aspire to be rich. These seminars provide a moral justification for the aspiration to be rich in Islam, since the Prophet Muhammad himself was a rich and generous. In other words, being rich is socially and religiously acceptable if the wealthy can also direct their wealth towards religious goals, such as

109 establishing orphanages, mosques and schools

In fact, the aspiration to become rich among Indonesians started in the

1990s when Indonesia witnesses the emergence of a new and expanded

110 Indonesian middle class. Before the period being rich especially among the

111 rural society was considered suspicious. Indeed, the majority of urban

Muslims in Indonesia have a rural background. In rural culture, being rich is socially unacceptable. The rich in this rural culture are usually associated with

Muhammad biography targets young readers is formulated in trendy way in order to attract young readers. In addition, she mentions that the popular biography among the Indonesian Muslims is the translated version of Muhammad Husayn Haykal’s Life of Muhammad . Anna M. Gade, “Religious Biography of the Prophet Muhammad in Twenty-First-Century Indonesia,” in the Cambridge Companion to Muhammad , ed. Jonathan E. Brockopp (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010): 251-273. 109 James B Hoesterey, Sufis and Self-Help Gurus: Islamic Psychology, Religious Authority, and Muslim Subjectivity in Contemporary Indonesia , unpublished PhD thesis (University of Wisconsin- Madison, 2009); James B. Hoesterey, “Prophetic Cosmopolitanism: Islam, Pop Psychology, and Civic Virtue in Indonesia,” City and Society 24, no. 1 (2012):38-61; James B Hoesterey, Rebranding Islam: Piety, Prosperity and A Self-Help Guru (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016); Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Worshipping Work: Producing Commodity Producers in Contemporary Indonesia,” in Taking Southeast Asia to Market: Commodities, Nature, and People in the Neoliberal Age ed. Joseph Nevins and Nancy Lee Peluso (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2008), 73-87; Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Engineering Entrepreneurial Ethics: Islam after Development in Indonesia,” Moussons 21 (2013): 37-49. 110 Ariel Heryanto, “The Years of Living Luxuriously: Identity ’s New Rich,” in Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia , ed. Michael Pinches (London and New York: Routledge, 1999), 16. 111 Ibid 52

112 having a mystical spirits. Moreover, religious teaching has regularly circulated the idea that being rich contributes to the delay in entering paradise due to the many questions addressed to the rich on how they have used their wealth.

The other Islamic seminar on prosperity accentuated the performance of Islamic devotional prayers. Islamic devotional acts include sedekah . The promoter of this theory of Islamic prosperity is Yusuf Mansur. He promotes the idea that sedekah is not merely a distribution of wealth, but it is a significant way to seek prosperity.

Yusuf Mansur uses various media from publications to television programs to promote his ideas. In contrast to his senior trainers and preachers who place emphasis on ethics, Yusuf Mansur promotes performative acts. He grounds his ideas in Islamic scriptures, including Al-Qurán and Hadist. These scriptural references highlight the way that performing sedekah will be rewarded by God in multiple economic material rewards.

VI. Conclusion

My overview of Islamic management knowledge in Indonesia has demonstrated the significant role of new preachers and trainers in promoting

Islam among the new Muslim middleclass in Indonesia. These preachers and trainers interpret Islamic teachings and wed them to the popular modern

112 In South America the mystical spirit is associated with devil. It refers to peasants’ feeling of guilt when they enter proletariat ranks. See Michael T. Taussig, the Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1980). 53

management theories. Furthermore, they circulate the ideas through training programs, seminars and publications.

This chapter has also shown that different social and political contexts within Indonesia have produced different management training programs and a diverse range of interpretation of Islamic teachings. The trainers and preachers have deliberately blended modern management theories with Islamic teachings in order to respond to the social and political change of Indonesian people.

This chapter has revealed a significant shift in Islamic management training practice during the New Order and Post New Order eras. In the New

Order, Achivement Motivation Training and Islamic theology were articulated and used widely in management training, the post-New Order period the

Islamic management training is presented in more nuanced and dynamic way.

Furthermore, this chapter has also demonstrated the significant distinction between the trainers and preachers during the New Order and post-New

Order. During the New Order era, trainers and preachers were involved intimately in politics. Meanwhile post New Order trainers and preachers are less political.

In the following chapter, I will examine Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity and his various methods to promote his ideas among urban

Indonesian Muslims. Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity have attracted

Muslim small businessmen, who then go on to adapt and disseminate his economic theology in their business motivation seminar. 54

Chapter Three

The Economic Theology of Yusuf Mansur

Introduction

This chapter analyses Yusuf Mansur’s Islamic teachings on prosperity. This chapter will adapt Marcel Mauss’s theory of economic theology highlights rewards in return for the practice of gift-giving to analyse Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity. The chapter begins by describing Yusuf Mansur’s biography and the various ways he uses to circulate ideas of prosperity among urban Muslims in Indonesia. The chapter will subsequently focus on Yusuf

Mansur’s teachings of sedekah and dhuha.

I will argue that the popularity of Yusuf Mansur’s ideas of prosperity among the urban Muslims is due to the potential it has to facilitate the hopes and aspirations of Indonesians who aspire to live a good life. These aspirations include business success, good health and getting job.

I. Yusuf Mansur: “Born-again Muslim”

Yusuf Mansur was born in 19 December 1976 in Jakarta. His real name was Jam’an Nurchotib Mansur. He came from a religious Betawi (indigenous

Jakartan) family background. His grandfather was a Betawi charismatic Muslim cleric named Haji Mohammad Mansur. During Yusuf’s childhood, he was cared by his uncle Sanusi Hasan who had memorised the al-Qur’an. Yusuf 55

learned the al-Qur’an from his uncle and also attended formal school. Most of his education was in Islamic schools. He went to madrasah (primary to senior high school) to learn Islamic teachings and graduated from the State Islamic

University Syarif Hidayatullah in Jakarta.

During his second year at university, Yusuf was interested in business.

He developed a business in information technology and made a significant profit. His life suddenly changed. He was unable to manage the business profits and he indulgently went on a spending spree for his own amusement.

As a result, due to this mismanagement, he went bankrupt and heavily indebted in the region of billions of rupiah. Yusuf Mansur could not recover his business and it consequently jailed. While he was in prison, Yusuf reflected on his life, returned to the study of Islamic teachings and started to memorise the al-Qur’an.

After his release from jail, he made a commitment to move from his previous dark life to new life. In order to make a living, he became a vendor by selling ice cream at Kalideres bus station in Jakarta. Added to this, he spent his part of his time propagating Islamic teachings among his fellow vendors in the Muslim prayer room at the bus station. He mostly related his spiritual experience during in prison especially that concerning the virtue of sedekah .

One day he met a policeman who was interested in his Islamic sermons. The policeman invited him to work for an NGO. During his work at the NGO he began to write a book reflecting on his spiritual experience in jail. 56

The story of Yusuf Mansur’s contemplation and reflection during his time in prison was documented in his first book entitled Mencari Tuhan Yang

Hilang (Seeking a Lost God). The book covers 35 stories of Yusuf Mansur’s

113 spiritual journey. In this book, he represents himself as Luqmanul Hakim who reflects on the Islamic teachings of his religious teacher named Ustadz

Basuni. Most of the stories highlighted the virtue of sedekah . Yusuf Mansur’s spiritual journey shows that sedekah has a significant virtue in worldly affairs, namely it brings a blessed life, heals the illness, ensures a way through life’s

114 difficulties, and offers hope in life.

The book signifies the beginning of Yusuf Mansur’s career as a Muslim preacher and writer. He promoted the book in Islamic study groups and gatherings and attended book launches in various events. The publisher claimed that the book sold out 3000 copies within two months of its initial

115 publication. In order to emphasise his message on sedekah , Yusuf Mansur

113 In Islamic tradition, Luqmanul Hakim represents a wisdom guru. He is portrayed as a wise person with deep knowledge. His name is to be found as a special chapter of the al- Qur’an named the Chapter of Luqman. Most of Yusuf Mansur’s books use Luqmanul Hakim to represent his own personal spiritual journey. I have assumed that Yusuf Mansur deliberately picked up the name of Luqmanul Hakim to illustrate his attempts to move from his dark past to a new religious and spiritual moment in life. 114 Yusuf Mansur, Mencari Tuhan Yang Hilang: 35 Kisah Perjalanan Spiritual Menepis Azab dan Menuai Rahmat , thirteenth edition (Jakarta: Zikrul Hakim, 2011). 115 I have found that the book has been reprinted many times. My own copy is of the thirteenth edition. See Yusuf Mansur, Mencari Tuhan Yang Hilang: 35 Kisah Perjalanan Spiritual Menepis Azab dan Menuai Rahmat ,; Haji Remon, “Di Balik Kesuksesan Buku Ustazd Yusuf “Mencari Tuhan Yang Hilang”. 57

116 committed himself to distribute all of the book’s royalties for sedekah. As a result his reputation as a Muslim preacher became increasingly well-known among the Indonesian public.

On many occasions, Yusuf Mansur frequently told a story about his own experience related to the material rewards of performing sedekah . One day when he was in prison, he was fasting and wanted to eat tasty food. He had a loaf of bread from the previous days’ prison ration. Rather than having it for lunch, he decided to share the bread to ants in the jail. He expected that his gift would be rewarded by God in the form of tasty food. Afterward, the warden unexpectedly offered him ‘nasi padang’ (a curry food in which generally recognised type of Indonesian tasty food). The warden told Yusuf that someone had given him two packs of food and he wanted to give him one of them. Yusuf Mansur highlighted this story to show that his gift to the ants

117 brought him a gift of tasty food.

Since 2000, Yusuf Mansur has been active in delivering Islamic sermons at Islamic gatherings, Muslim prayer rooms ( musalla ) and mosques surrounding Jakarta, and throughout Java. The main message of his sermons concerns the virtue of sedekah . In contrast to the general understanding of

116 The publisher has mentioned that Yusuf Mansur’s royalties from this book are in the hundreds of millions of rupiah. He claims that all of these royalties have been distributed for sedekah. See Haji Remon, “Di Balik Kesuksesan Buku Ustazd Yusuf “Mencari Tuhan Yang Hilang,’’ in Masagus H. Fauzan Yayan, Kun The Winner Wa Laa Takun The Loser: Hari-hari Bersama Ustadz Yusuf Mansur (Palembang: Rumah Tahfidz Kiai Marogan Press, 2013), 61-64. 117 Ibid; Masagus. A. Fauzan, Kun Yusuf Mansur: Perjalanan Hidup Ustadz Yusuf Mansur (Surabaya: Erlangga, 2013), 30.

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sedekah as merely an act of charity, Yusuf Mansur highlights and promotes the idea that sedekah is not simply a charity but is also a method through which the giver can seek wealth. He cites several texts from the al-Qur’an and Hadist mentioning that people who perform sedekah will obtain a multiple material

118 rewards from God.

II. Becoming a Muslim Televangelist: Promoting Sedekah in Various Ways

Yusuf Mansur’s public recognition started when Yusuf Ibrahim from the PT Virgo Ramayana recording company recorded his Islamic sermons on

DVDs and circulated them widely in the Indonesian religious marketplace in

2005. The recording company branded Yusuf Mansur with two key themes;

Kun Fayakuun (Be, and it is) and The Power of Giving.

The Kun Fayakuun is taken from the al-Qur’an in Chapter Yaasin highlighting that anything can occur if God wishes it to happen. Through this phrase Yusuf Mansur emphasises that there is no problem which cannot be solved if God wants to resolve it, including the difficulties faced by Muslims or the expectation that they aspire to in more mundane affairs. At the same time

The Power of Giving portrays the special topic of Yusuf Mansur’s preaching, that is the virtue of voluntary alms giving ( sedekah) . As a result of these video recordings, he has gained wide recognition as a new Muslim preacher in

Indonesian public sphere.

118 Adek Media Rosa, “Sedekah di Panggung Dakwah,” Tempo 5 November 2006, p 103. 59

He also labels his preaching program as Wisata Hati (A Journey of the

Heart). This indicates the significant intervention of God in life. Wisata Hati addresses the anxieties, hopes and problems faced by urban Muslims in their everyday lives. The use of the term ‘ hati’ (heart) is a marked trend in the topics of religious television programs in contemporary Indonesian Islam. One of the most popular religious program during 2000s was Menajemen Qalbu (the

Management of Heart) hosted by Abdullah Gymnastiar. It offered encouragement to Muslims to self-manage their lives by referring to Islamic

119 values in everyday life.

The circulation of Yusuf Mansur’s DVD sermons and publications has given him the status of one of the most popular preachers in Indonesia. He is frequently invited to deliver Islamic sermons at many Islamic study groups throughout Indonesia. In addition he has established an Islamic boarding school that specialises in the memorization of the al-Qur’an in a Jakarta suburb as well as a charity foundation to collect and distribute voluntary alms giving from his followers.

Yusuf Mansur’s preaching started to reach wider audiences when the private television, MNC TV featured him as an Islamic preacher in 2005. The television program named Keajaiban Sedekah (the Miracle of Voluntary Alms

119 C. W. Watson, “A Popular Indonesian Preacher: The Significance of AA Gymnastiar,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 11 (2005): 773-792; James B Hoesterey, Sufis and Self- Help Gurus: Islamic Psychology, Religious Authority, and Muslim Subjectivity in Contemporary Indonesia , unpublished PhD thesis (University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2009); James B. Hoesterey, “Prophetic Cosmopolitanism: Islam, Pop Psychology, and Civic Virtue in Indonesia,” City and Society 24, no. 1 (2012):38-61; James B Hoesterey, Rebranding Islam: Piety, Prosperity and A Self-Help Guru (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016). 60

Giving) was broadcast twice a week. In this program Yusuf Mansur presented the idea of matematika sedekah (a Mathematic of Voluntary Alms Giving) to address the economic potentials of performing sedekah .

In 2007, the title of the program was changed to Nikmatnya Sedekah

(the Pleasure of Performing Voluntary Alms Giving). The new not only emphasised the virtue of practice of alms giving but also highlighted other

Islamic prayers that related to alms giving, such as dhuha (an optional morning prayer). As a result, the regular performance of Yusuf Mansur in television has made him into one of the famous Muslim televangelists in Indonesia.

When Islamic sinetrons (popular soap opera. from sinema elektronik – electronic cinema) became popular on Indonesian television stations during the 2000s, Yusuf Mansur in cooperation with SinemArt became involved in the production of a religious sinetron entitled Maha Kasih (the Most

120 Gracious). Maha Kasih featured the stories of people who were keen in doing good deeds and who remained patient and sincere when facing trials from God. Following their good deeds and because of their virtue, God then

121 gave them a successful life as a reward. In Maha Kasih Yusuf Mansur not only worked as a Muslim clerical advisor to the production company who produced the sinetron and in doing so was able to convey religious messages

120 N. Mursidi, “24 Jam Bersama Ustadz Yusuf Mansur,” http://nm- hidayah.blogspot.com.au/2006/04/24-jam-bersama-ustadz-yusuf-mansyur.html (accessed 1 June 2015). It was initially published in Hidayah no 57, 2006. 121 Rianne Subijanto, “The Visibility of a Pious Public,” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 12, no. 2 (2011): 240-253; Inaya Rakhmani, “Mainstream Islam: Television Industry Practice and Trends in Indonesian Sinetron,” Asian Journal of Social Science 42 (2015): 435-466. 61

within the sinetron ’s story line, but he also occasionally featured as an actor in the series.

Due to the success story of Maha Kasih television program, Yusuf

Mansur was prompted to enhance his Islamic da’wa by producing a film in

2008. In tandem with Guntur Novaris, he produced a movie entitled Kun

Fayakuun . This movie captures a religious commitment combined with aspirational ethics. It tells the story of glass vendor who aspires to own a glass shop. He is portrayed as a hard worker and eager to realise his goals. In addition he strives to make a proper and honest living ( rezeki halal ) and performs Islamic devotional acts. In brief, God then provides the vendor with prosperous and blessed living, which includes the ownership of a glass store as well as a happy family.

Despite the fact that Kun Fayakuun movie was not a commercial success relative to other Islamic films released at the same time such as Ayat-

122 Ayat Cinta, the sedekah story behind the movie production has become widely popular in Indonesian da’wa landscape. It has become associated with the real life story of Agus Kuncoro, the main actor of Kun Fayakuun movie who experienced material rewards from God due to his sedekah . Agus

Kuncoro and his wife were expecting a baby after being married for several

122 Intan Paramaditha, “Passing and Conversion Narratives: Ayat-Ayat Cinta and Muslim Performativity in Contemporary Indonesia,” Asian Cinema 21, no. 2 (2010): 69-90; Minako Sakai, “Preaching to Muslim Youth in Indonesia: The Dakwah Activities of Habiburrahman El Shirazy,” Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 46, no 1 (2012): 9-31.

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years. However, their efforts to conceive were unsuccessful until the time of the film.

During the Kun Fayakuun movie production, Agus Kuncoro consulted

Yusuf Mansur as an ustadz and producer of the movie. Yusuf Mansur suggested to him that he pray to God constantly and to distribute part of his earnings as an actor in Kun Fayakuun movie for sedekah to realise his desires.

Agus Kuncoro followed Yusuf Mansur’s suggestion. Several months later

Agus Kuncoro’s wife got pregnant and they finally got the baby they had so long desired.

The story of Agus Kuncoro was used by Yusuf Mansur as a good example of God’s material rewards for performing sedekah . Yusuf Mansur frequently tells the sedekah story of Agus Kuncoro at many Islamic gathering events. He even uses Agus Kuncoro to provide a live testimony in order to

123 encourage other Muslims to perform devotional acts, especially sedekah . As an actor who was involved in various movies, Agus Kuncoro’s testimony has significant clout in promoting the economic theology of sedekah to wider audiences.

Following the release of the Kun Fayakuun movie in 2008, Yusuf

Mansur likewise launched a Kun Fayakuun SMS service. The service was a result of collaborative business between PT Telkom, the state-owned

123 See for example Yusuf Mansur’s television program named Chatting Bareng YM in ANTV broadcasted in 26 July 2012. The program discussed “Keajaiban Sedekah ” topic and presented Agus Kuncoro who gave testimony about his miracle experience from sedekah . https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yIysTN6iMDg (accessed 15 June 2015).

63

telecommunication enterprise, and Yusuf Mansur. It provided religious messages from Yusuf Mansur that can be accessed easily at anytime and anywhere. The SMS service was set up as an additional means of spreading the virtue of sedekah , dhuha and optional midnight prayer ( tahajud ) as a way of resolving anxieties and to realise the targeted aspirations of urban Muslim

Indonesian. In its advertisements, Kun Fayakuun SMS promised to provide

124 easier ways to pay back debts or to find the best life partner.

Yusuf Mansur’s creative methods in spreading the economic theology of sedekah have been copied Abdullah Gymanstiar. According to Zainur

Rosyid, an ustadz of PPPA Daarul Qur’an Semarang, Yusuf Mansur was affiliated with Abdullah Gymnastiar (or AA Gym as he is usually know) during the period of his peak popularity in 2002. Yusuf Mansur frequently took

Abdullah Gymnastiar’s place to present Islamic sermons when AA Gym’s schedule was full. Yusuf Mansur also studied management theory from AA

125 Gym .

124 Greg Fealy, “Consuming Islam: Commodified Religion and Aspirational Pietism in Contemporary Indonesia,” in Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia , eds. Greg Fealy and Sally White (Singapore: ISEAS, 2008), 29. 125 st Interview with Zainur Rosyid, PPPA Darul Qur’an branch Semarang, , 31 December 2012. See also James B Hoesterey, Rebranding Islam: Piety, Prosperity and A Self-Help Guru (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016), 117, 203. In addition, Gwenael-Njoto Feillard analyses that Abdullah Gymnastiar’s methods of preaching has been influenced by Craig Abdurrohim Owesnby, a converted American evangelist to Islam. Craig Owensby used to work with Jerry Falwell, a prominent American evangelist. He became an evangelical preacher in Houston, Texas and delivered a sermon in many countries including Southeast Asia. In 2002 Craig Owensby promoted technology program for Muslim named Al-Qur’an Seluler (AQS) as a result of collaborative business between PT Spotcast Consulting, a computer-based communication consulting company with Abdullah Gymnastiar’s Menagemen Qalbu (the Management of Heart). The Al-Qur’an Seluler provided six minutes of qur’anic 64

Yusuf Mansur continues to develop his Wisata Hati (A Journey of the

Heart) television program. From 2011 to the present, Wisata Hati has become a regular Islamic program on the ANTV television station. Through this channel he promotes an economic theology through the creation of a congregation named Jamaah Wisata Hati (the Congregation of a Journey of the hHeart). This congregation consists of people who are attracted to Yusuf

126 Mansur’s economic theology.

What kinds of people are interested in Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology? I argue that there are two types of Yusuf Mansur’s followers. The first are people who aspire to have a good life such as those who are indebted and aim to pay back their debts or, who are unemployed and wish to find a proper job. The second are people who want to develop their quality of life such as those who wish to extend their businesses and possess more material possessions. His followers typically receive Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology through publications, Islamic television programs and films. Most of them are fascinated by the multiple material rewards that are promised from God due to the performance of Islamic devotional acts. teachings included a recital, translation of the verses and the short sermon offered by prominent preacher related to the meaning of the verses. See Gwenaël-Njoto Feillard, L’islam et la réinvention du Capitalise en Indonésie (Paris: Karthala IISMM, 2012); Robert W Hefner, “Religious Resurgence in Contemporary Asia: Southeast Asian Perspectives on Capitalism, the State, and the New Piety,” Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 4 (2010): 1031-1047; Susan Friend Harding, “The Gospel of Giving: the Narrative Construction of Sacrificial Economy,” in Vocabularies of Public Life: Empirical Essays in Symbolic Structure ; Susan Friend Harding, the Book of Jerry Falwell: Fundamentalist Language and Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). 126 st Interview with Zainur Rosyid, PPPA Daarul Qur’an branch Semarang, Central Java. 31 December 2012. 65

In order to facilitate donations from his followers Yusuf Mansur has founded Program Pembibitan Penghapal Al-Qur’an, Daarul Qur’an

(Cultivation Program for Memorising al-Qur’an) in 2007. It is a foundation that collects and distributes voluntary alms. In contrast to existing charity organisations in Indonesia such as Dompet Dhuafa (the Wallet of Poor

People, PPPA Daarul Qur’an concentrates its activities on Qur’anic matters, such as establishing Islamic boarding schools for memorising al-Qur’an, providing scholarships to the needy to study al- and to support teachers who are involved in the teaching of al-Qur’an. In other words, PPPA Daarul

Qur’an is a voluntary alms giving laboratory for the Yusuf Mansur’s

127 followers.

One of the characteristics of Yusuf Mansur’s followers is that they aspire to develop their quality of life. These followers include Muslim businessmen who run small and medium enterprises and believe that the economic theology of sedekah is important for successful business. For example, Agus Pramono, the owner of grilled chicken restaurants Ayam Bakar

Mas Mono has said that he became familiar with the economic theology of sedekah from Yusuf Mansur’s Islamic television program. He then carried out this theology in practice and realised that it had a positive impact on the development of his business. He has claimed that he has regularly distributed his sedekah to PPPA Daarul Qur’an. Mas Mono has recently opened 40 grilled

127 th Interview with Efendi Wahyu, branch manager of PPPA Darul Qur’an Yogyakarta, 11 January 2013. 66

chicken restaurants in his Ayam Bakar Mas Mono chain and has extended his

128 businesses into catering supplies and travel for the pilgrimage to Mecca.

DAQU magazine, a publication of the PPPA Daarul Qur’an, has regularly featured the followers of Yusuf Mansur in the column named Jalan

Sedekah (the Voluntary Alms Giving Way). This column especially presents the stories of Muslim small businessmen and reveals their success stories in extending business opportunities. In each case this success is significantly related to their commitment to undertake sedekah and dhuha .

129 For example, DAQU Magazine has depicted the story of Jody Broto

Suseno, the founder of Waroeng Group Company located in Yogyakarta. This company operates several businesses, ranging from restaurants to properties.

The Group manages more than 50 restaurants in many parts of Indonesia and employs more than 1500 employees. DAQU Magazine states that the success story of his business is associated with Jody’s commitment to distribute his wealth through sedekah . His religious commitment in performing sedekah has also prompted him to provide all of his business profit a day for sedekah on

128 During my fieldwork I attended an Agus Pramono business motivation seminar in Jakarta as well as in Yogyakarta. In these seminars he repeatedly stated that the success story of his business was related to his performance of sedekah . He believed in the multiple rewards of voluntary alms giving. For the ethnographic detail of Agus Pramono see Chapter Five. See also DAQU Magazine, no. 3, March 2011, 5. 129 DAQU magazine, no. 3, July 2012, 31. 67

th 130 27 April to PPPA Daarul Qur’an . He has established a boarding school to memorise al-Qur’an for the less well-off next to his house in Yogyakarta.

III. Matematika sedekah: Framing an Economic Theology

Yusuf Mansur’s main message about sedekah is that it is not only a means to distribute a wealth but it is pivotally as a method to seek spiritual and material wealth. To reinforce this idea, Mansur has written a book entitled “ An

131 Introduction to the Miracle of Giving. ” This book has been reprinted several

132 times, which is also an indicator of its importance . In the book’s introduction Yusuf Mansur states:

The majority of people aspire to wealth and prosperity. In recent times it would certainly be unusual to find people who aspire to poverty. God has offered us a means to achieve prosperity. Yet, God has created this means as a way to achieve eminence, salvation and blessing from Him in this world and the hereafter. It is 133 possible because God is the richest and can make a people rich. (My own translation)

130 th Jody Broto Suseno’s’s initiative in providing all of his business profit for the 27 April every year to PPPA Darul Qur’an has stimulated Yusuf Mansur to establish the date as Hari Sedekah National (the National Day of Voluntary Alms Giving). Yusuf Mansur invites his colleagues in his business circle to participate in this Hari Sedekah Nasional. 131 The book is entitled in English but is written in Indonesian. It compiles Yusuf Mansur’s essays focuses on the theological foundation for calculative spirit of offering sedekah based on Al-Qur’an and Hadist and also stories encouraging people to perform it. The English title of the book seems to appeal well educated. Yusuf Mansur, An Introduction to the Miracle of Giving , seventh edition (Jakarta: Zikrul Hakim, 2011). 132 During my fieldwork between 2012 and 2013 my interlocutors regularly referred to the book as their inspiration to carry out sedekah as a method to seek material and spiritual wealth. 133 Ibid., xv 68

Yusuf Mansur articulates his idea on an economic theology of sedekah as a matematika sedekah (a Mathematics of Voluntary Alms Giving). He frequently spreads his ideas through sermons and refers to particular verses in the al-Qur’an mentioning the economic potentials of sedekah :

“Everyone who is keen to undertake sedekah in order to obtain God’s blessing, I am certain that God will reward him/her with multiple rewards. God promises to repay the giver’s offerings in two, ten, seven hundred fold and even as unlimited rewards in return. God guarantees “Who is he that will loan Allah a beautiful loan, which Allah will double unto his credit and multiply many times? It is Allah that giveth 134 (you) want or plenty, and to him shall be your return ( Al Baqarah , 245) . You can become a wealth person through a commitment to perform sedekah , dhuha (optional morning prayer) and tahajud (optional midnight prayer). This way is enjoined by God and his Prophet... Allah has recommended these rituals to us in order to pursue prosperity. Allah is the richest, ask for prosperity from Him.”

He explains that the matematika sedekah is not the same as the mathematical knowledge. He demonstrates that mathematics says that ten minus one is equal to nine (10-1=9), but contrary to this, in the matematika sedekah ten minus one is equal nineteen (10-9=19). Yusuf Mansur explains that the matematika sedekah is based on the argument that the donation given by Muslims will be returned to them in multiple returns by God as two, ten, or seven hundred fold rewards. He argues that its concept is informed and based on Islamic scriptures both al-Qur’an and Hadist

134 I use this qur’anic translation from Abdullah Yusuf Ali. See Abdullah Yusuf Ali, the Holy Koran: Text, Translation and Commentary (Lahore: Ashraf, 1960): 194. 69

Figure 3.1 Yusuf Mansur’s Publications

70

Yusuf Mansur quotes a Hadist from the Prophet Muhammad saying

“Wealth never decreases because of voluntary alms giving but on the contrary increase” (the Prophet Muhammad emphasised this three times). Moreover he also shows that matematika sedekah is actually based on the al-Qur’an

135 especially in the chapter 6 in verse 160 and chapter 2 in verse 261:

“He that doeth good shall have ten times as much to his credit: He that doeth evil shall only be recompensed according to his evil: no wrong shall be done unto (any 136 of) them” (6:160, Al-Ana’m )

“The parable of those who spend their substance in the way of Allah is that of a grain of corn: it groweth seven ears, and each ear hath a hundred grains. Allah giveth manifold increase to whom He pleaseth: And Allah careth for all and He knoweth 137 all things” (2:261, Al-Baqarah )

By introducing the concept of matematika sedekah, Yusuf Mansur argues that while Islam has commanded Muslims to contribute zakat from

138 their income, namely 2, 5% (one-fortieth) per year as a financial worship , this percentage is not sufficient in relation to its potential to accelerate prosperity. He states that voluntary alms giving should be implemented above and beyond the percentage of zakat .

135 Ibid., 22-23. 136 Abdullah Yusuf Ali, the Holy Koran: Text, Translation and Commentary (Lahore: Ashraf, 1960), 194. 137 Ibid., 65. 138 Zakat is one of the five pillars of Islam. It is an Arabic term that refers to purify wealth from ‘jealousy and hatred of the well-off” see Jonathan Benthall, “Financial Worship: The Quranic Injunction to Almsgiving,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 5, no 1 (1999): 27-42; Jonathan Benthall, “Charity,” in A Companion to Moral Anthropology ed. Didier Fassin (Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), 359-375; Konstantinos Retsikas, “Reconceptualising Zakat in Indonesia: Worship, Philanthropy and Right,” Indonesia and the Malay World 42, no 124 (2014): 337-357; Thierry Kochuyt, “God, Gifts and Poor People: On Charity in Islam,” Social Compass 56, no. 1 (2009): 98-116. 71

In his book, Yusuf Mansur offers a more detailed explanation of how matematika sedekah works. He maintains that God will multiply sedekah tenfold. He provides an illustration on how the matematika sedekah worked for an employee who had a regular monthly income as Rp. 1.000.000 per month. This employee, however, needed to earn Rp.1.500.000 to meet his expenditure. Yusuf Mansur explained the solution for the officer was to donate Rp.100,000 as a sedekah. The balance of his income was Rp.900, 000 in real terms, however, God would reward the person ten times of the total amount of his original sedekah (Rp.100, 000). The expected reward would be

Rp.1, 000,000. So the employee would have a total of Rp.1, 900,000 per month, which would exceed his expenditure.

IV. The Rhetoric of Sincerity and Self-Interest in matematika sedekah

The Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology seems to contradict Islamic teaching on ikhlas (sincerity). My interlocutors from Islamic traditional background during fieldwork have had associated Yusuf Mansur’s matematika sedekah with insincerity. They argue that sincerity was essential in Islamic teachings. For example, Muwafiq a traditional kyai (Muslim cleric) from

139 Nahdhatul Ulama background in Yogyakarta mentioned to me that the

139 Interview with Kyai Ahmad Muwafiq, 21 February 2013. Kyai Muwafiq is recognised as a popular preacher among traditional Muslims (NU) in Central Java. His schedule was filled with appointments to give Islamic sermons at various events in pesantren as well as Islamic social gatherings. 72

matematika sedekah notion conflicted to Islamic teaching about sincerity when performing religious devotional acts. He remarked:

God promises rewards for religious commitment performed by Muslims. However, the highest aim in performing Islamic devotional acts including sedekah is to achieve the will of God ( keridhaan ilahi ). We do not need to count God’s rewards. In order to achieve the will of God we have to cultivate sincerity in carrying out good deeds and Islamic devotional acts. Yusuf Mansur’s sermons about sedekah emphasize material rewards rather than sincerity. It is not an essential teaching of Islam. It is an artificial Islam.

Despite the different viewpoints regarding the Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology of sedekah , there is no significant dispute about matematika sedekah with Muslim religious authorities such as Majelis Ulama Indonesia

(the Indonesian Council of Muslim Scholars) in Indonesia. This lack of dispute is hard to nail down, but I believe that it may be because Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology is based on Islamic scriptures, both al-Qur’an and Hadist.

In addition, his message about the material rewards of sedekah is in line with the Islamic doctrine of targhib. Targhib is an Arabic term meaning “keen”. In

Islamic tradition, targhib is associated with the method of Islamic propagation that calls Muslims for performing Islamic devotional acts in an eager way by highlighting God’s rewards. For this reason it is hard to argue against Yusuf

Mansur.

However, in order to respond to some criticisms addressed to his notion of matematika sedekah, Yusuf Mansur has written a special book entitled Boleh Gak Sih Ngarep? Belajar Tentang Sedekah (Is it Allowed to Expect 73

140 God’s Rewards? Studying Voluntary Alms Giving). In this book Yusuf

Mansur explains that aiming for God’s rewards such as wealth and health through performing sedekah does not contradict Islamic teaching on sincerity.

He argues that the intention to obtain God’s reward is similar to the practice of praying to God. He notes that God has commanded Muslims in al-Qur’an to ask for their worldly needs from Him. He concludes that matematika sedekah does not contradict Islamic teaching on sincerity because it is considered as prayer to God.

When I attended business motivation seminar that featured Yusuf

Mansur in Jakarta in 2013, he confirmed that the the desire to reap God’s rewards by performing Islamic devotional acts such as sedekah and dhuha is similar to an invocation to God ( meminta kepada tuhan ). He said: “If you do not have money in your pocket to run your business, ask for it from Allah through sedekah, tahajud and dhuha . He is the wealthiest and has everything including your material wealth. Ask from God, he will give you what you want.”

Regarding requests to God for material wealth, Yusuf Mansur has suggested to his audiences that they list what they want in the near future such as a car, a house and an established business, so that they have it on paper. He recommended to his audiences that they articulate their worldly desires during their invocation to God. “Be sure that Allah will hear your prayer and provide what you want” Mansur told them. He told his audiences that he carried out this prescription and found it has worked in his own life:

140 Yusuf Mansur, Boleh Gak Sih Ngarep? Belajar Tentang Sedekah (Jakarta: Zikrul Hakim, 2012). 74

Last year I wanted to own Petroleum Company. I wrote and listed it in a piece of paper. I frequently articulated this aspiration in my invocations to God. You know, I am not a professional businessman; I am only a Muslim cleric that only recently has begun to run a small business. However, I do believe that God will listen and receive my invocations. Several months ago, Sandiaga Uno (young successful businessmen and one of the Indonesian new rich) invited me to join his new oil drilling company in Kazakhstan as a commissioner. You can see….here is the virtue of prayer in your worldly affairs.

V. Prosperity Ritual: the optional morning prayer ( dhuha )

Yusuf Mansur has highlighted Islamic prayers that have a link to aspirations for prosperity. These include dhuha . In order to accelerate prosperity, Yusuf Mansur regularly states that sedekah needs be complemented with other optional Islamic prayers, especially dhuha .

Dhuha is an additional Islamic prayer that is designed as a request to ask

God for prosperity in worldly affair. The prayer consists of two sections in minimum and twelve sections for maximum. The proper time to perform dhuha is between 8.00 am to 11.30 am before the compulsory afternoon prayer

(dhuhur ). Dhuha contains a particular invocation which makes it a special prayer for prosperity. The invocation is normally recited after performing dhuha prayer:

“Oh my God if my fortune is located in the skies please send it down to me. If my fortune is in situated the earth, please bring it out to me. If my fortune is far away, please bring it close to me. If my fortune is impure, please purify it to me. If my fortune is difficult, please make it easier for me.” In Islamic boarding schools ( pesantren ), dhuha is commonly performed and recognised as a particular prayer for prosperity. However, a growing 75

phenomenon of performing dhuha in offices, companies and non-Islamic institutions has significantly contributed to the development of Islam in the contemporary Indonesian urban environment. The religious enthusiasm of urban Muslims to perform particular Islamic devotional acts associated with prosperity such as dhuha in everyday life is linked to their aspiration to become prosperous in contemporary Indonesia.

Yusuf Mansur is one of several prominent Muslim preachers who frequently call for people to carry out dhuha in everyday life. On many occasions he encourages his followers to perform dhuha prior to starting work.

He suggests conducting it in houses, offices, companies and mosques. In order to promote the virtue of dhuha prayer, Yusuf Mansur established Majelis

Dhuha Nasional (National Congregation of Optional Morning Prayer, MDN) in 2008.

The main aim of this congregation is to circulate the virtue of dhuha and to make it familiar prayer among the Indonesian Muslims. The primary program of the MDN is to encourage Yusuf Mansur’s followers to set up a regional level of MDN and initiate a weekly congregation to perform this dhuha prayer. Afterwards, he recommends that they watch one of the sixteen

DVDs of his sermons which are dedicated to the MDN. His followers are urged to buy the DVDs and its profits will be distributed to support schools

141 under the supervision of the PPPA Daarul Qur’an.

141 http://www.majelisdhuhaanasional.com/profile/sejarah-berdirinya-majelis-dhuhaa- th nasional/ (accessed 24 July 2014). 76

For example, the regional MDN of Yogyakarta conducts the dhuha gathering once a month. Some Muslim entrepreneurs who are attracted to

Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology are advocates of this. The majority of them are small businessmen. They basically start gatherings by conducting optional dhuha individually and then follow this by an Islamic study group

(pengajian ). I observed that these regular events were important not only for religious purposes but also in establishing networks among Muslims businessmen. When I attended the dhuha congregation, one of the participants offered me a business opportunity to distribute his food products.

In order to encourage people to perform dhuha , Yusuf Mansur features some successful figures in business including the successful, young businessman, Sandiaga Uno. He is portrayed as a good example of a Muslim entrepreneur who consistently performs dhuha prayer. Sandiaga Uno graduated from Wichita State University in Kansas America and has established Saratoga

Capital. In 2012 Forbes magazine listed him as one of the forty richest people

142 in Asia .

142 Yusuf Mansur and Tim PPPA Daarul-Qur’an, Kun Fayakuun for Business (Bandung: Syaamil books, 2014), 13-17. 77

Figure 3.2 Yusuf Mansur’s Dhuha Congregation in Yogyakarta

Figure 3.3 Yusuf Mansur delivering Islamic sermon after performing

dhuha prayer

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When I attended an annual entrepreneurship event sponsored by Bank

Mandiri at the Jakarta International Expo in 2013, Sandiaga Uno was invited to relate his success story in establishing his company. He noted that his success story was based on four key ethics, namely hard work, an ability to comprehend situations, working until something is finished and sincerely believing in the result. In addition, he mentioned that he always performs dhuha before starting work. He stated:

“I have been performing dhuha for the past eight years. I have still been doing it

right up to the present. Believe in me. If you commit to performing the dhuha prayer,

fortune will come to you easily.”

VI. How and why Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology appeals to Businessmen?

Since 2010 Yusuf Mansur has been promoting the practice of sedekah and dhuha in companies as part of these companies’ employees’ professional development. He encourages his congregation of Muslim businessmen to apply prosperity rituals such as dhuha for their employees before starting

143 work.

Yusuf Mansur has circulated these ideas among Muslim businessmen by creating the “ Kun Fayakuun for Business” seminar. It is a business motivation seminar that aims at disseminating the idea of how Islamic

143 Yusuf Mansur, Kun Fayakuun for Business (Jakarta: Syaamil books, 2014); Yusuf Mansur, Semua Bisa Jadi Pengusaha (Jakarta: Zikrul Hakim, 2012) See also Chatting Bareng YM entitled Allah Dulu, Allah Lagi, Allah Terus.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4TfVu8br7zg (accessed 21 February 2015). 79

devotional acts such as sedekah , dhuha and optional midnight prayers ( tahajud ) can accelerate the achievement of prosperity.

Yusuf Mansur and the Muslim businessmen identify the practice of performing dhuha in workplace and performing sedekah as “berbisnis dengan

Allah” (trading with God). It refers to business activities that involve Islamic devotional acts and that seek a “blessed profit” for their business activities. It is primarily based on a verse in the al-Qur’an saying that whoever offers a loan to God, a beautiful loan, then God will reward that person with multiple

144 rewards. In many occasions Yusuf Mansur has explained that performing sedekah means providing a loan to God. A Muslim who undertakes sedekah is conducting business with God. This business will never fail or go bankrupt but on the contrary will yield a multiple profit from God in the here and now, and in the hereafter.

Yusuf Mansur’s propagation of ‘trading with God’ is much appreciated by Muslim small businessmen. In 2010 Yusuf Mansur and his followers initiated a gathering in the hall of Attien mosque in Taman Mini Indonesia

Indah (The Indonesia in Miniature Theme Park, south of Jakarta). The gathering was attended by a thousand of employees from Quick Chicken,

Kebab Turki Baba Rafi, Waroeng Group Management, Bebek Goreng Slamet and Ayam Bakar Mas Mono. They declared that their business management would start to involve devotional acts such as requiring all of their employees

144 Chapter Al-Baqarah in the verse 245: “Who is he that will loan to Allah a beautiful loan, which Allah will double unto his credit and multiply many times? It is Allah that giveth (you) Want or plenty, and to Him shall be your return.” 80

to stop smoking, performing five times prayer on time, conducting dhuha before start a business activities and obliging their employees to attend a regular Islamic study groups in the workplace and to learn how to recite Al-

145 Qur’an.

Following this event, Yusuf Mansur actively advocated the concept of trading with God through various other means, including television programs.

For example in one of his television shows entitled Chatting Bareng YM

146 (Chatting with YM) , Yusuf Mansur discussed the topic of “ berbisnis dengan

Allah ” (doing business with God). He featured some successful Muslim businessmen who claimed that their business success was due to their religious

147 commitment in performing sedekah .

One of them was Hajjah Wati, a business woman, who ran a food catering business and hotel in Kalimantan. During the talk show, she mentioned that she was fascinated by Yusuf Mansur’s propagation of sedekah and never missed watching his Islamic sermons on television. Then, she

145 “Menuju Perusahaan Berspiritual,” Islam digest Republika, 25 September 2010. See also “Memadukan Bisnis dan Dakwah” http://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/islam- nusantara/12/12/03/mefh3e-memadukan-bisnis-dan-dakwah-1, http://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/islam-nusantara/12/12/03/mefme0- memadukan-bisnis-dan-dakwah-2, http://www.republika.co.id/berita/dunia-islam/islam- nusantara/12/12/03/mefoqv-memadukan-bisnis-dan-dakwah-3habis (Accessed 22 July 2014). 146 The popularity of Yusuf Mansur as a television preacher has brought him to host a talk show named Chatting Bareng YM (Chatting with Yusuf Mansur). The program is broadcast on ANTV. The talk show features ordinary Muslims who have been inspired by Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology. The talk show is directed by Yusuf Mansur and Denny. 147 See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wQ8LlYyW3N0 (accessed, 21 April 2014).

81

committed to donating her hotel as a sedekah for Rumah Tahfidz program (a

148 House for Memorasing Program and to support financially the Rumah

Tahfidz. Hajjah Wati claimed that undertaking sedekah for Rumah Tahfidz” had significantly impacted on her business. Her business grew steadily and developed significantly. She mentioned that her food catering business had grown and had become several restaurants in Kalimantan. At the end of talk show Yusuf Mansur highlighted the way that Hajjah Wati had undertaken the practice of trading with God by distributing her wealth to assist people in memorising Al-Qur’an.

Performing Islamic rituals to seek material and spiritual wealth is indeed not a new practice among the Indonesian Muslim community.

Scholarships on the local expression of Islam have revealed this in the practice of communal rituals such as slametan . Indonesian villagers have frequently undertaken Islamic communal rituals such as slametan to ask for prosperity from God. This ritual uses food distribution and offerings to obtain God’s blessing for everyday aspirations such as a successful harvest and good health.

The ritual typically involves the participation of significant numbers of people

149 and recitation of Quranic verses and Islamic invocations.

148 Rumah Tahfidz is an Islamic boarding school designed to memorise the Al-Qur’an. Its educational system adopts the PPPA Daarul Qur’an’s programs, a foundation established by Yusuf Mansur. Attending Rumah Tahfidz is free of charge. It is especially aimed at helping the poor who can afford to send their children to school. 149 Clifford Geertz, The Religion of Java (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1976); Robert. W. Hefner, Hindu Javanese: Tengger Tradition and Islam (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1985); John R. Bowen, Muslim Through Discourse (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1993); Andrew Beatty, Varieties of Javanese Religion: An 82

However, I argue that the urbanisation of the Indonesian population has significantly transformed forms of religious expression including the practice of sedekah . The urban Muslim finds that Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology offers a modern and personal religious expression as a way to seek their modern life aspirations from God including successful business, material possessions and getting a job.

In addition, the practice of economic theology which emphasises the pursuit of multiple rewards from God is somewhat similar to the

150 contemporary practice of Muslims in Egypt as well. Amira Mittermaier ,

151 152 Samuli Schielke and Mona Atia have shown that recently Muslims in

Egypt have tended to calculate their good deeds in terms of multiple rewards from God. For example, instead of driving a car to go to mosque to perform prayer, the Egyptian Muslim now favours walking to the mosque. They believe

Anthropological Account (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Mark Woodward, Java, Indonesia and Islam (London and New York: Springer, 2011); Minako Sakai, “Publicizing Rituals and Privatizing Meanings: Negotiating an Identity of Gumai of Sumatra,” in Founders’ Cult in Southeast Asia: Ancestors, Polity, and Identity , eds. Nicola Tannenbaum and Cornelia Ann Kammerer (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, 2003), 159- 183; Minako Sakai, “Remembering Origins: Ancestors and Places in the Gumai Society of South Sumatra,” in The Poetic Power of Place: Comparative Perspectives on Austronesian Ideas of Locality , ed. James J. Fox ( Canberra: ANU E Press, 2006), 43-62. 150 Amira Mittermaier, “Trading with God: Islam, Calculation, Excess,” in A Companion to the Anthropology of Religion , ed. Janice Boddy and Michael Lambek (West Sussex: Wiley Blackwell, 2013), 274-29. 151 Samuli Schielke, “Capitalist Ethics and the Spirit of Islamization in Egypt,” in Ordinary Lives and Grand Schemes: an Anthropology of Everyday Religion , ed. Samuli Schielke and Liza Debevec (New York. Oxford: Berghahn, 2012), 131- 145. 152 Mona Atia, Building A House in Heaven: Pious Neoliberalism and Islamic Charity in Egypt (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2013), 105-133.

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that God will reward every single steps made by the Muslim to go to prayer.

Mittermaier introduces two concepts of God’s rewards among the Egyptians: thawab (divine rewards) and baraka (divine blessings). Mittermaier associates the calculative practice of God’s rewards among the Egyptian Muslims with the ‘economy of thawab .’ Both the economy of thawab and baraka are linked to the notion of “trading with God” ( tagara ma’ rabbina ).

The aspiration to seek material and spiritual wealth is also popularly practiced among Neo-Pentecostal and Charismatic Christians. This phenomenon is generally identified as Prosperity Religion or Prosperity

Gospel. Their main characteristics are to promise and propagate wealth and

153 health among its followers . It says that God wants to bless Christian’s spiritually, physically and materially. The followers are encouraged to practice tithing and giving as way to reach prosperity. Giving is assumed to be ‘seed faith’ that could be returned by God to the givers in manifold returns.

154 Coleman analyses that the idea is based in New Testament: “one would give and expect to receive an expanded blessing in return.”

The practice of giving and tithing to seek material wealth is also called

155 as ‘sacrificial economy’ . This notion was initially introduced by Susan

153 Douglas A. Hicks, “Prosperity, Theology and Economy,” in Pentecostalism and Prosperity: the Socioeconomics of the Global Charismatic Movement , ed. Katherine Attanasi and Amos Yong (New York: Palrave Macmillan, 2012), 239-251; Patricia Birman, “Future in the Mirror: Media, Evangelicals, and Politics in Rio de Janeiro,” in Religion, Media, and the Public Sphere , ed. Birgit Meyer and Annales Moors (Bloomington: Indiana University Press), 52-72. 154 Simon Coleman, “The Charismatic Gift”, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 10 (2004): 421-442. 155 Simon Coleman, “Prosperity Unbound? Debating the “Sacrificial Economy.” The Economics of Religion: Anthropological Approaches 31 (2011): 23-45. 84

156 Harding through her study of Jerry Falwell’s teachings. Harding explains that giving in Jerry Fallwell’s teaching is recognised as sacrifice. She describes

“money (like the blood of Old Testament animals or the blood of Christ) is a sacrifice given to God and represents obedience to him. God, in turn, blesses, financially and in other ways, those who obey.”

My analysis on Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology and its similarity with other economic theology has shown that the idea of prosperity is a significant message in religion in contemporary world. Accordingly it is not surprising that a sociologist Bryan S Turner has suggested that it represents the idea of a ‘theology of happiness.’ It denotes a theology that is able to ‘cope with world of material wealth, longevity, mass consumption and transition

157 from scarcity to abundance.’

VII. Conclusion

This chapter has revealed that Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology of sedekah and dhuha has facilitated the hopes and aspirations of urban Indonesian

Muslims. It facilitates the hopes of a people who are aspiring to have a good life and ranges from finding a proper job, paying back debt, finding partner to

156 Susan Harding, “The Gospel of Giving: the narrative construction of sacrificial economy,” in Vocabularies of Public Life: Empirical Essays in Symbolic Structure, ed. Robert Wuthnow (London and New York: Routledge, 1992): 39-56; Susan Friend Harding, the Book of Jerry Falwell: Fundamentalist Language and Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). 157 Bryan S Turner, Religion and Modern Society: Citizenship, Secularisation and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 281.

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having a baby. It also facilitates those who aspire to develop their quality of life and in these cases ranges from having more material possessions to establishing successful businesses. In short, Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology provides “certainty” during the uncertain conditions faced by newly urbanised Muslims.

Studies have also revealed that modern society is attracted to religious

158 teachings that are in in line with their life aspirations and expectation . Yusuf

Mansur’s economic theology articulates the modern intentions and aspirations of the urban Indonesian Muslim in globalised Indonesia.

The next chapter will discuss Muslim businessmen who have been attracted to the economic theology of Yusuf Mansur. They are Muslim small businessmen who then actively disseminate Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology among urbanites. Shifting our analysis of the followers’ activities will enable us to understand how and why Islamic ideas are being promoted widely among the urban Muslims, particularly Muslim businessmen.

158 Robert W Hefner, “Religious Resurgence in Contemporary Asia: Southeast Asian Perspectives on Capitalism, the State, and the New Piety,” Journal of Asian Studies , 69, no. (2010): 1031-1047. 86

Chapter Four Promoters of Economic Theology: Yusuf Mansur’s Congregation

Introduction

The previous chapters (Chapter Two and Three) have explored Islamic business motivation seminars and the prominent figures involved in the concept of Prosperity Islam, especially Yusuf Mansur. This chapter will investigate how Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology has been received and adapted by urban Muslims in Indonesia. I will also show that they are promoting Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology in their entrepreneurial environment which is crucial in increasing the popularity of this economic theology in contemporary Indonesia.

I argue that the popularity of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology among the urbanites can be attributed not only to his personal appeal but also significantly is due to the roles of his followers who are promoting the economic theology in their own circles. I also argue that there are two patterns of dissemination of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology among the urban

Muslim population, especially in entrepreneurial circles. The first pattern is that the followers are attracted to Yusuf Mansur’s preaching on economic theology and contact him. They become Yusuf Mansur’s close followers and support his PPPA Daarul-Qur’an programs as donors. Yusuf Mansur in return, promotes them to his wider audience. As a result, some key figures 87

have become preachers or representatives of Yusuf Mansur who promote his economic theology in their own community. Yusuf Mansur receives donors and the donors receive his recognition, and I call this pattern direct reciprocity.

The second pattern is that followers are fascinated by Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology but do not contact him directly. However, they adapt the economic theology and circulate it to their own milieu. After they become known in their local community, Yusuf Mansur endorses and supports them.

This pattern is indirect reciprocity. The first pattern still adopts the regular pattern of Islam learning among the Indonesia Muslim community. Normally,

Indonesian Muslims learn Islam from a kyai in a pesantren or through Islamic study groups ( pengajian ). They become a permanent congregation of the kyai

159 and support the pesantren through donations etc . Meanwhile the second pattern represents a new way of learning Islam among the urbanites. They learn Islamic teachings from television and publications but they do not need to become a permanent congregation of particular preachers and there is no direct interaction between this type of follower and the preacher.

Most urban Muslims who are enthused by Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology have become familiar with his Islamic teaching from his publications and televised sermons. These people initially have faced uncertainty in life,

159 Clifford Geertz, The Religion of Java (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 177-198; Hiroko Horikoshi, A Traditional Leader in a Time of Change: The ‘Kijaji’ and “Ulama’ in , Unpublished PhD Dissertation, The University of Illinois at Urbana- Champaign, 1976. 88

such as business failures and found that his economic theology has provided them with an alternative solution and hope for their problems.

This chapter will analyse the first pattern of urban Muslim’s reception and adaptation towards Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology. This chapter will examine a recent popular figure in business motivation seminars, Agus

Pramono or as he is more commonly known, Mas Mono. He is a small businessman who was attracted to Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology and became one of his followers. He has also been active in various Yusuf

Mansur’s PPPA Daarul-Qur’an programs.

This chapter also shed lights on charity initiative called Makelar

Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving). This was initiated by Mas

Mono and other Muslim businessmen who were also followers of Yusuf

Mansur. Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving) promotes

Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology through business motivation seminars and charity acts. It is also promoted and supported by Yusuf Mansur himself. This chapter will highlight Mas Mono and other Muslim businessmen’s direct interaction with Yusuf Mansur and their mutual relationship in business as well as in promoting his economic theology among the entrepreneurial circles.

I. A Portrait of Yusuf Mansur’s Followers: Agus Pramono

Agus Pramono is a businessman in the restaurant and food catering sector. His nickname “Mas Mono” also used for his grilled chicken restaurant franchise, named Ayam Bakar Mas Mono (ABMM). There are up to 40 89

branches of his restaurants in many parts of Indonesia as well as Malaysia. In addition to this, he also has extended his culinary business interests to a franchise of meat ball soup ( baso ) stands, called Baso Moncrot.

He was born on 28 August 1974 in Madiun, East Java. He was the fifth of six children. His parents were farmer labourers who could not afford to fund their childrens’ schooling. As a result, no family member pursued their education to the level of higher education. Mas Mono was the only one who studied to senior high school level.

After finishing his study, Mas Mono went to Jakarta to seek his fortune.

He found a job as an office boy. During his stay in Jakarta he heard that his father had passed away in Madiun, however he did not have sufficient money to return home and attend his father’s funeral. He decided to resign and started a new job as a stall vendor. After a few years he had accumulated enough funds to open his own food stall. His business increasingly developed and he became wealthier. In brief, he established a restaurant with his name as the brand and had succeeded in the food service sector.

However, when Mas Mono’s culinary business begun to run well,

Indonesia experienced the avian influenza virus ( flu burung ). In Indonesia this virus attacked chickens and as a result the majority of Indonesians avoided the consumption of chicken, especially in restaurants. As Mas Mono’s restaurant served a grilled chicken as its main menu item, this situation impacted significantly on his business. 90

Experiencing these uncertain business conditions, Mas Mono watched an Islamic sermon presented by Yusuf Mansur on television. Yusuf Mansur preached his economic theology of sedekah as a means to seek prosperity and to prevent misfortune. After watching this broadcast, Mas Mono sought information on Yusuf Mansur and made contact with him. He consulted with

Yusuf Mansur on his business problems and Yusuf Mansur suggested that he to perform sedekah in order to avoid misfortune in business. Mas Mono then distributed his zakat and sedekah to PPPA Daarul Qur’an a foundation set up by Yusuf Mansur. He claimed that his sedekah had a positive impact on his business.

Mas Mono’s commitment to distribute zakat and sedekah to PPPA

Daarul-Qur’an, also established a good relationship between himself and

Yusuf Mansur. This was proven when one day Yusuf Mansur himself faced misfortune. Thieves entered his house and stole almost five hundred million rupiah. Yusuf Mansur claimed that the stolen money was mostly sedekah from his followers. In order to return the money, Mas Mono used his own money and funded Yusuf Mansur to an amount equivalent to the stolen money.

Afterwards, Mas Mono became closer to Yusuf Mansur and PPPA

Daarul-Qur’an. He was then appointed as an ambassador of PPPA Daarul-

Qur’an to promote the virtues of sedekah in entrepreneurial circles. Yusuf

Mansur put Mas Mono on stage in his various television program including

Chatting Bareng YM and Nikmatnya Sedekah (the Pleasure of Performing

Voluntary Alms Giving). 91

For example in Nikmatnya Sedekah (the Pleasure of Performing

Voluntary Alms Giving) Yusuf Mansur featured Mas Mono’s story of rising from an office boy to becoming a successful businessman. Mas Mono testified that his achievement in business was linked to his commitment in performing sedekah . He addressed audiences and noted that while al-Qur’an requires

Muslims to distribute 2, 5 percent from their wealth as zakat , the audience should note that there was no limitation and religious regulation relating to sedekah . Accordingly, he suggested that they donate 10 percent of their income

160 to be distributed as sedekah .

In order to circulate this economic theology in entrepreneurial circles,

Yusuf Mansur and Mas Mono began a seminar program named “ Kun Fayakuun for Business .” The seminar was conducted in several cities such as Jakarta,

Bandung and Semarang. It highlighted the belief that religious commitment through devotional acts especially dhuha and sedekah also contributed to

161 successful business.

The Kun Fayakuun for Business program has stimulated the idea of implementing economic theology in companies. Under the guidance of Yusuf

Mansur, some businessmen including Mas Mono have committed themselves to the practice sedekah and dhuha as part of their employees’ professional

160 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2AALP-4nKkE (accessed 29 June 2015). 161 Mas Mono, “Ustadz, Guru dan Sahabat,” in Kun The Winner Wa La Takun The Loser: Hari- hari Bersama Ustdaz Yusuf Mansur ed. Masagus H. Fauzan Yayan (Palembang: Rumah Tahfidz Kiai Marogan Press, 2013), 33-36; Yusuf Mansur, Kun Fayakuun for Business (Bandung: Syaamil Books, 2014), 39-41.

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development. These Muslim businessmen called this practice a “spiritual company.” It refers to the practice of requiring their employees to perform

.162 dhuha before starting work and encouraging them to perform sedekah

Since Mas Mono has become popular in entrepreneurial circles, PPPA

Daarul-Qur’an has established its travel agency to facilitate umrah to Mecca.

One of its umrah (lesser pilgrimage) programs was entitled “ Umrah with Mas

Mono” ( umrah bareng Mas Mono). Mas Mono clearly had achieved a level of appeal that made him a saleable item in business promotions.

Figure 4.1 Yusuf Mansur and Mas Mono in Business Motivation Seminars on the economic theology of sedekah Source: https://ayambakarmasmono.wordpress.com/seminar/

162 See Chapter Three 93

Figure 4.2 Yusuf Mansur and Mas Mono Source: https://ayambakarmasmono.wordpress.com/seminar/

Figure 4.3 Mas Mono Delivering the Rezeki Diantar Seminar

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Figure. 4.4 Mas Mono’s Rezeki Diantar Book

II. Branding the Self: Mas Mono’s Rezeki Diantar (Delivered Fortune) Seminar

Mas Mono’s regular appearance in “ Kun Fayakuun for Business ” has made him popular. He has become a business motivation speaker and promotes

Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology as a means to achieve business success. In order to brand himself as a business motivation speaker, Mas Mono created his own business seminar named Rezeki Diantar (Delivered Fortune). This seminar is based on his book entitled Rezeki Diantar (Delivered Fortune). 95

In his seminar Mas Mono suggests that the best way to pursue ample

163 fortune was through trading . He regularly emphasised that the Prophet

Muhammad was trader and some of his companions were also active in commerce:

Do not be repentant because you are a rich Muslim. Becoming a rich person is not 164 identical with Qarun who was arrogant and miserly. Being a rich in Islam essentially aims to be provide benefit for others. The Prophet Muhammad and his companions such as Abdurrahman bin Auf were rich. They distributed their wealth for Islam. If we are rich we can undertake alms giving ( zakat ) and voluntary alms giving ( sedekah) at any time and in any place. We can also go to Mecca for umrah pilgrimage.

In his Rezeki Diantar seminar Mas Mono mentioned that his business success was based on three formulae namely sabar (patience), syukur

(thankfulness) and sedekah (voluntary alms giving). He explained that his patience and thankfulness towards challenges and trials he experienced during the establishment of his business had made him successful. However, he emphasised that the other significant factor in his success was sedekah .

In accordance with the principle of sedekah he noted that he set aside ten percent of his business profits as sedekah. By donating ten percent of his business profits as sedekah , Mas Mono claimed that God bestowed on him a considerable fortune. He called it as Rezeki Diantar (Delivered Fortune). Mas

163 I attended Rezeki Diantar seminar in February 2013 at Jakarta International Expo.

164 Qarun is identical to greed and stinginess. The story of Qarun is narrated in the Al- Qur’an. 96

Mono’s description of rezeki in his Rezeki Diantar publication is based on

165 Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology of sedekah or matematika sedekah ’:

Although the ease or difficulty in pursuing a livelihood relies on the efforts of people, God’s intervention is in fact required to realise it. For those who find a method of pursuing a living, this living will flow into their pockets without difficulty… There is a unique formula for pursuing a living. The formula says that if someone distributes his income as sedekah , then God will multiply that income several times over for him. This formula is not similar to that of mathematical logic where the donation made by someone will reduce his income. For example, we have 500 hundred rupiah in our pocket. Then we donate 200 hundred of it as sedekah . Mathematics says that money is reduced to 300 hundred rupiah. Meanwhile this formula of making a living says that the money will increase more than 300 hundred 166 percent, as follow (Rp. 200,000x 7 = Rp. 1,400,000). (My own translation)

Mas Mono’s book and seminar have inspired business start-ups especially among young people. They find his life story appealing as it tells of developing a business from zero and eventually reaching the stage where he is running several businesses. Mas Mono’s seminars have provided them with inspiration and shows them that becoming a success is possible if they focus on developing their business as well being committed to performing Islamic devotional acts. Accordingly when Mas Mono and other businessmen formed a charity initiative named Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms

Giving) in 2012, these same young people were eager to support and develop this charity organisation in many regions.

165 See Chapter Three. 166 Mas Mono, Rezeki Diantar (Jakarta: Solusi Publsihing, 2012), 74. 97

The following section will analyse this charity initiative initiated by Mas

Mono and other Muslim businessmen called Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of

Voluntary Alms Giving). This section will highlight how Makelar Sedekah (the

Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving) programs are adopting PPPA Daarul

Qur’an programs and how Yusuf Mansur supports and promotes them to his wider audience. This section will show the process of reciprocity between

Yusuf Mansur and his Muslim businessmen followers.

III. Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving): An Initiative of Yusuf Mansur’s Congregation

Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving) is an initiative that aims at promoting the virtue of sedekah in entrepreneurial circles. Makelar

Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving) is advocated by the followers of Yusuf Mansur. They are Muslim businessmen who have been attracted to

Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology and have participated in various actives of

Yusuf Mansur including PPPA Daarul Qur’an. They have also distributed their zakat and sedekah to PPPA Daarul Qur’an.

The term “ makelar ” refers to a broker who mediates between the seller and buyer in a business transaction. In the context of Makelar Sedekah

Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving), “makelar ” is associated with amil or the administrator of the charity. Makelar Sedekah

Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving) prefers to employ the 98

term ‘makelar’ rather than amil in order to indicate that this initiative is advocated by businessmen.

The embryo of Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms

Giving) goes back to Mas Mono’s initiative to invite his colleagues to give sedekah to PPPA Daarul Qur’an. One day during the fasting month in 2011,

Mas Mono went to PPPA Daarul Qur’an to give his sedekah. He found that the institution had launched a charity programs named Sedekah Santri (Voluntary

Alms Giving for PPPA students). It was aimed at providing meals for students who learnt and memorised the al-Qur’an at PPPA Daarul Qur’an to break the fast before dawn ( sahur ).

Mas Mono broadcast information about Sedekah Santri through social media. Instead of providing PPPA Daarul Qur’an bank account, he put his bank account as the medium to channel the sedekah . Outside of all of his expectations, he realised that his colleagues had responded to his call positively and had sent money to his bank account. Subsequently he delivered the donations to PPPA Daarul Qur’an.

This experience prompted Mas Mono to invite other businessmen followers of Yusuf Mansur to establish an initiative to promote the virtue of sedekah in an entrepreneurial milieu. In January 2012, Mas Mono and other

Muslim businessmen founded a charity initiative named Makelar Sedekah (the

Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving). The foundation of Makelar is based on the

Prophet Muhammad’s Hadist. This Hadist states that “every Muslim who calls on their fellow Muslim to undertake good deeds for other people, then God 99

will reward them with a similar reward.” The term “makelar” is used to denote a Muslim who calls their fellow Muslims to follow that particular Hadist of the

Prophet Muhammad.

Mas Mono and his fellows at MS promote the virtue of sedekah . They encourage other fellow Muslim to undertake sedekah . Mas Mono and his fellows inculcate Prophet Muhammad Hadits in various events such as seminars and sermons. They encourage business start-ups and university students to participate in promoting sedekah in order to get the reward of sedekah .

Figure 4.5 Yusuf Mansur delievering Islamic Sermon in Makelar Sedekah first Anniversary Source: Makelar Sedekah photo collection

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IV. The Members of Makelar Sedekah

There are two levels of Makelar Sedekah members. The first are

Muslim businessmen who regularly distribute their own zakat and sedekah to

PPPA Daarul Qur’an. The second are new business start-ups and university students who have been inspired by these Muslim businessmen. The following exploration will analyse these two groups of members of Makelar Sedekah .

One important figure in advocating Makelar Sedekah is Jody

Brotosuseno. He is a businessman who heads a restaurant named Waroeng

Steak. He started his business in 2000 after dropping out from his study at

Atmajaya University in Yogyakarta. Waroeng Steak serves steak at an economy-priced and targets the university student population in Yogyakarta.

Jody’s restaurant business developed steadily and grew to more than fifty branches in various parts of Indonesia.

Jody inspired to Yusuf Mansur’s preaching on economic theology. He realised that Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology emphasised multiple material

God’s rewards and in turn allowed the donor to avoid misfortune. Having realised that running a small business was a fragile affair, Jody was attracted to this economic theology. He made contact with Yusuf Mansur and then became his direct follower.

Jody has also established a collaborative business with Yusuf Mansur.

They have developed a culinary business named Waroeng Penyet which serves penyetan. Penyetan is a Javanese dish where the main ingredients are crushed with chillies and other ingredients and served with rice. This collaborative 101

business was launched to public to promote the implementation of economic theology in their business. They declared that their employees were required to perform dhuha before start a work and had to attend a regular Islamic study groups organised by the management.

In addition, Yusuf Mansur has also promoted Jody to his other Muslim businessmen followers by declaring that 27 April is a National Day of

Voluntary Alms Giving (Hari Sedekah National). Yusuf Mansur claimed that his initiative to declare a national day of voluntary alms giving was inspired by

Jody’s commitment to distribute all of his business profit on that day. He in turn invited all of his Muslim businessmen followers to donate all of their business profits to PPPA Daarul Qur’an. As result, Yusuf Mansur has claimed that 200 businessmen have committed to donate their single day profits to

167 PPPA Daarul Qur’an.

Yusuf Mansur’s promotion of Jody to his wider audiences has set Jody up as a model of a successful Muslim businessman. He was invited to deliver speech about his business success. However, compared to Mas Mono, Jody was not good at public speaking. I attended one of his business motivation seminars and found his performance monotonous.

Jody, however, had a different way to promote Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology. Most of the restaurants under the management of

Waroeng Group display placards promoting four Islamic messages. These

167 Yusuf Mansur and TIM PPPA Daarul Qur’an, Kun Fayakuun for Business (Bandung: Syaamil Books, 2014), vii. 102

messages are “praying to God before having a meal” ( berdoalah sebelum makan ), taking the food with your right hand ( makanlah dengan tangan kanan ), thanking to God for the meal you have ( Bersyukurlah atas Nikmatnya ) and that by performing voluntary alms giving sincerely, God will reward the giver with multiple material rewards ( bersedekahlah dengan Ikhlas, akan mendapatkan balasan yang berlipat ganda ). In my interview with the Waroeng management, these placards were seen as part of their management program to promote

168 economic theology to their customers.

In addition, under the supervision of Yusuf Mansur, Jody has also implemented a “spiritual company” program for his employees’ professional development. This program requires all of Waroeng’s employees to perform dhuha before start their work. They are also required to attend weekly Islamic study groups and learn how to recite Al-Qur’an. In addition to spiritual exercises, Jody also requires all of his employees to stop smoking in order to save money.

In my interview with Waroeng employees, they mentioned that the

169 Waroeng management implemented this “spiritual program” gradually. One

170 employee, Darwono, mentioned to me that when he took up the job in

168 Interview with Darwono, Waroeng Group management, 5 February 2013. 169 Interview with Rizki, the former employee of Waroeng Group, 25 March 2013. 170 Interview with Darwono, Waroeng Group management, 5 February 2013.

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Waroeng he was not familiar with dhuha and other Islamic rituals. However, the management provided an induction for new employees:

When I had a job interview, the management asked me about smoking. I replied that I was a smoker. The management told me if I wished to work in their company I would have to stop smoking. It was difficult in the beginning, however, after three months I was able to stop smoking. Regarding to the spiritual rituals such as dhuha and performing prayers on time, it was also difficult for me to get into this habit. But the work environment had made it easy. I felt ashamed if I did not go to mosque during the prayer time due to peer pressure from other employees who went to the mosque

Other members of Makelar Sedekah were Ferry and Rizki. They were businessmen in printing firm called Mangrove. Ferry and Rizki dropped out from their studies at Gadjah Mada University in order to focus on fostering their businesses. They had been best friend since senior high school and had passion for business.

As was the case with the other businessmen above mentioned, Ferry and Rizki were fascinated by Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology and established contact with him. Their initial contact with Yusuf Mansur started when they knew that Yusuf Mansur would be in Yogyakarta for several days in

2012. At the same time they were on the verge of opening their third branch office. They had the intention that Yusuf Mansur would officiate at the inauguration of their new offices and would pray over them. As a result, Yusuf

Mansur did officiate at the opening ceremonies of their new offices and since then, they have established regular communication with Yusuf Mansur. 104

Ferry and Rizki have also participated in the National Day of Voluntary

Alms Giving. They donated all of their business profits for that particular single day to support PPPA Daarul Qur’an. In addition, they also implemented

Yusuf Mansur’s spiritual company program as a way of managing their human resource management. Meanwhile, on other occasions when I attended Yusuf

Mansur’s preaching in Yogyakarta he also regularly promoted the Mangrove printing business to his wider congregation. In fact, most of advertisements for Yusuf Mansur’s programs in Yogyakarta are printed by Mangrove.

Another member of Makelar Sedekah is Muhammad Yunus. He is a businessman who runs several optical stores in many regions, including

Semarang, Salatiga, Tegal, Pekalongan, and Jakarta. He is well-known as someone behind the 2010 renovation of the Al-Ikhlas mosque on Cipto Street in Semarang, Central Java. He had not only renovated the physical architecture of the mosque but also refreshed its management. After the renovation was finished he invited Yusuf Mansur to deliver an Islamic sermon there.

Consequently, the mosque has become increasingly popular among the

Muslims of Semarang.

His direct interaction with Yusuf Mansur started when he visited Yusuf

Mansur at the PPPA Daarul-Qur’an. He intended to consult on his health problems. Due to these health problems, medical investigation had indicated that he would be infertile. After hearing of his problem, Yusuf Mansur invited all the students and teachers of the PPPA Daarul Qur’an to pray for

Muhammad Yunus’s health. At the same time Yusuf Mansur suggested to 105

Yunus that he give as much as he could in order to receive something back from God. From this moment on he has regularly kept in touch with Yusuf

171 Mansur and is a significant donor to PPPA Daarul Qur’an.

I met Yunus at the Makelar Sedekah office in Yogyakarta. He had ridden a new sports motorbike from Semarang to Yogyakarta. The motorbike was to be given away to Yusuf Mansur’s PPPA Daarul Qur’an. It was intended that the money derived from this gift would be given to a fund to build up wells for the PPPA Daarul Qur’an He mentioned that this sports motorcycle was worth about twenty five million rupiah (AUD 2500).

During a conversation with Yunus, he noted that the best way to get good fortune from God was by undertaking sedekah. He explained this through the notion of Sedekah jariyah :

Doing good deeds such as making wells also needs a smart way to achieve the many greater rewards from God. The wells are really important for our everyday life. For example people can use them for ablutions before they pray. We can call this a “sedekah air” (water giving). Imagine if your “sedekah air” could facilitate other people to developing their devotional acts to God such as shalat (praying) and zikir (chanting particular religious formulae). Visualise how hundreds, even thousands, of people could obtain benefits from water giving?

171 See “M. Yunus: Setelah Divonis Mandul” DAQU magazine , V, no.1 (2012): 30-31.

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Figure 4.6 Jody Brotosuseno, Yusuf Mansur and Mas Mono launching their collaborative business Source: http://showbiz.liputan6.com/read/671451/ustad-yusuf-mansur-kembangkan- bisnis-kuliner-dengan-dakwah

Figure 4.7. The Placard of economic theology in Waroeng Steak

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Figure.4.8 Spiritual Company at Mangrove Printing

Figure 4.9 Yusuf Mansur in an event of Mangrove Printing

Photograph: Ferry 108

In addition to these three Muslim businessmen mentioned above, other advocators of Makelar Sedekah were business start-ups and university students. Due to fact that Makelar Sedekah was designed as a congregation, the members of Makelar Sedekah were also voluntarily activists in Makelar

Sedekah. The reason why they were active at MS was to meet successful businessmen and learn how to manage a business from them. The following description illustrates how these members of Makelar Sedekah discussed their business problem with Mas Mono. The meeting I attended was held at

Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta:

Mas Mono opened the Makelar Sedekah gathering by delivering a speech to the new members of Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta. He stated: “I would like to congratulate all of you on becoming volunteers in Makelar Sedekah. We work not for salary; we seek only God’s blessing. If we talk about the right of administrators, we can take as our due ten percent of the total for the sedekah we have been collecting. Some charity organisations such as Aksi Cepat Tanggap (Swift Action, ACT) and PPPA Daarul Qur’an have taken this percentage. For example if we had collected three billion (Rupiah) we could take as our due as much as three hundred million (Rupiah). However, we never take this percentage. Ustadz Yusuf Mansur on our first anniversary has reminded us about the challenges involved in administering a charity. He said “if you want to distribute the sedekah to help with flood relief, for example, and if you take a ride in a taxi to distribute it, please do not pay for your taxi from sedekah you have been collected. Pay it from your own pocket.” So we have not only encouraged people to undertake sedekah but importantly we have also needed to undertake it.”

Following the speech, he gave the opportunity to attendees to ask questions of him about business. One of gathered participants claimed to be a university student and started the session by asking a question on how to achieve success in the food services business. He mentioned to Mas Mono that he had opened a food stall in the 109

last two months serving a special menu from Sumatra. He believed that the uniqueness of his menu would attract consumers to come. However, he realised that much of his food was often unsold at the end of each day. Because of this, he distributed the unsold food to homeless people and the needy as sedekah .

Mas Mono replied by highlighting the issue of sedekah . He noted that while God promised to reward the donors with material rewards many times over, to get the best rewards from God, however, a businessman also needed to provide the best sedekah as well. He illustrated this by saying that he never distributed unsold food from his restaurants as sedekah . He claimed that he always offered the best food for sedekah and performed it before starting his business activity . He emphasised that performing the best sedekah was strongly connected to achieving the best livelihood that God was able to provide for his servants ( hamba Allah ).

Afterward, he addressed the question of how to maintain a food services business. Mas Mono mentioned to the gathering that to succeed in food service businesses the businessman had to consider various factors. They included the taste and quality of the food, the way to serve the food to customers, and timely service of the food. He accentuated that being late in serving food to customer would be a factor in the failure of the business.

Other example was Agus Prayitno. He mentioned to me that his decision to participate in Makelar Sedekah was to provide him with an entrepreneurial circle in order to develop his business ideas and to network. I met Agus while attending a Makelar Sedekah gathering. He has operated a small food stall since 2010 on the nearby Gadjah Mada University campus.

Agus came from West Java and went to Yogyakarta to study at Gadjah Mada

University in the Faculty of Agriculture. During my research fieldwork, Agus continued his studies at Masters level on the similar campus. Prior his choice to run a food services business he was an employee with a slaughterhouse. He 110

mentioned that the company was still new at the moment and his main duty in that company was to sell chicken liver in the form of a cracker.

After his experience with that company he thought that he needed to operate his own business. He opened a food stall which served a special menu of spicy chicken. Agus noted that his choice to run a food stall was initially challenged by his parents, particularly when he got sick and was hospitalised during the second month of his business operation. Agus’s parents were civil servants and wanted their son to follow their path into white collar employment and become a lecturer.

However, in order to accommodate his parents’ desires, Agus continued his study at Master’s level. He has received a scholarship from

Department of Higher Education to do this. He wants to apply for a job as a lecturer at the university after he obtains his postgraduate degree, while at the same time manage his business.

During fieldwork I found that Agus had distributed food to other member of Makelar Sedekah several times. He told me that he usually brought ten boxes to be distributed to his fellows at Makelar Sedekah. He often apologised for the rest people who did not get the food since he was unable bring more than ten boxes on his motorbike. He nevertheless offered discounts to his fellows at Makelar Sedekah if they wanted to order food from him. In addition, Agus also channelled his business needs to his friends at

Makelar Sedekah. One day I saw him bargaining about prices with his colleague at Makelar Sedekah who runs a printing company. They were 111

bargaining over the price of an order for printed boxes and other merchandise to be used to promote his food stall.

Agus applied the advice he receive from senior businessmen at Makelar

Sedekah to perform sedekah in order to pursue a blessed fortune. He offered his customers a meal free of charge if they claimed that they were undertaking a commendable fasting ( sunnah ), particularly if it were on a Monday or a

Thursday afternoon. In addition he also distributed ten percent of his food stall benefits to PPPA Daarul Qur’an. He mentioned to me that he was inspired by Mas Mono, a senior businessman at Makelar Sedekah. Mas Mono distributed his wealth to PPPA Daarul Qur’an and also provided meals in his restaurant free of charge, for those who carried out commendable fasting

(sunnah ) on Mondays and Thursdays.

V. Makelar Sedekah Programs

As the members of Makelar Sedekah were Yusuf Mansur’s followers, is not surprising that its program have also adopted the PPPA Daarul Qur’an.

For example the representative office of Makelar Sedekah in Yogyakarta was also called as Rumah Tahfidz Khusnul Khotimah (the House for Memorising

Al-Qur’an). Makelar Sedekah facilitated the study and recitation of al-Qur’an by old people and children from Monday to Saturday.

In addition to al-Quran studies, most Makelar Sedekah program were designed to facilitate and cultivate an entrepreneurial spirit. There were three

Makelar Sedekah programs given over to entrepreneurship, namely Seminar 112

Amal (Charity Seminars), Wisata Bisnis (Business Tour) and Sharing Bisnis

(Business Mentoring). Charity Seminars was designed to encourage the participants to start a business as well as calling for the undertaking of Islamic devotional acts, especially sedekah . The seminar has featured Yusuf Mansur and

Mas Mono. Business Tour was intended to facilitate the meeting of Makelar

Sedekah members and selected businessmen and allow participants to visit their business activities directly to see how these business men managed their businesses. Business Mentoring aimed at facilitating business start-ups through the sharing of business management techniques with established

172 businessmen.

Figure. 4.10 Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta Programs

172 Interview with Ferry the coordinator of MS Yogyakarta 12 April 2013 113

Figure 4.11 Business Mentoring Program at Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta

The most popular program was Business Mentoring. This program was conducted once a week on Wednesday evenings from 20.00 to 22.00. In order to gain a wider audience the program was broadcast via social media such as

Twitter and . The attendees for Business Mentoring were typically university students and business start-ups. Meanwhile, the speakers were generally small businessmen and existing start-ups. The speakers were selected based on their capacities in building up business and their religious commitment in undertaking Islamic devotional acts such as sedekah and dhuha.

Although the audiences were never stable in number, at least fifty attendees both male and female regularly came to this program on a weekly basis. The people who joined the program were typically university students or fresh graduate students who had recently started up their own business. As for 114

the speakers, they were generally start-up entrepreneurs who were connected to the Makelar Sedekah. During my visits to observe a training session program I did not find any female entrepreneurs involved in the program. All of the speakers who were sharing their success stories at the Makelar Sedekah in Yogyakarta were male. However, female audience members always actively engaged during discussion sessions

Bussiness mentoring program was opened by a host who directed the discussion. The host not only welcomed the speakers and attendees but also reminded them to prepare their money for sedekah . The presentation lasted about thirty minutes and was then followed up by a sharing and discussion period. During the speaker’s presentation, a donation box was circulated among the attendees. The host announced the total amount of donations at the end of the program. After this the attendees mingled with each other and took photos of themselves with the speaker.

The following account describes my observation of the “Sharing

Bisnis” program at Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta basecamp. It represents two aspects of the program. The description below highlights how the speakers emphasised the connection between their business success and their religious commitment to perform Islamic devotional acts:

The host has just opened the session by introducing the speaker of “Sharing Business.” He was Firly, a vendor of chicken porridge called Bubur Ayam Syarifah. Firly was in his thirties. His business is well developed. He had opened several outlets including outlets in Jakarta and Semarang. In contrast to the common image of porridge vendor as someone frequently associated with a lack of educational 115

background, Firly had graduated from Gadjah Mada University in the Faculty of Economics.

Before inviting the speaker to deliver his speech, the host reminded the audience that they should never underestimate a vendor of porridge since this sort of business has resulted in a turnover of millions of rupiah a month. He referred to a recent popular soap opera that had started in 2012 on a private television called Tukang 173 Bubur Naik Haji (the Porridge Vendor Goes to Mecca on the Pilgrimage). Firly began his presentation by explaining that he was a simple vendor not an 174 entrepreneur. He explained that becoming a vendor was sunnah (encouraged by the Prophet Muhammad) because the Prophet of Muhammad was well known as a trader and the Prophet said that nine out ten doors to make a living and wealth came from the commercial activities. Accordingly he declared that being a vendor in proper way was a respected and good job.

Drawing on his business experience, he noted that initially he had an idea to open a food stall serving a chicken porridge as the main item on its menu. However, he did not know how to make chicken porridge. Afterwards he employed a professional to make the chicken porridge and then started up his stall. He explained that his success in extending his chicken porridge outlets was linked to his brand “Syarifah.” The brand was taken from his mother name. He believed that his success could not be separated from his mother’s support as well as her prayers. In addition, he

173 Tukang Bubur Naik Haji (Porridge Vendor Goes to Mecca for Pilgrimage) recently becomes a popular soap opera among Indonesian people. It is developed from Yusuf Mansur’s FTV (televisional movie) as a part of his campaign to promote sedekah . It features porridge vendor named Sulam who is generous in performing sedekah for orphanages. Although the profit from selling porridge can only cover his everyday needs, Sulam intends to go to Mecca for pilgrimage. One day someone who claims as heirs of his regular customer visited and notified him that the customer has been passed away. Furthermore, the customer instructed his heirs to offer his favourite car, Mercedes Benz to Sulam. In his written testament, the customer mentioned to Sulam that he gave his car for supporting him to go to Mecca for pilgrimage. The story ended by featuring Sulam and his family go to Mecca. The popularity of this story among the Indonesian could be seen from its series. Since it has been reproduced as soap opera in 2012 by RCTI the soap opera is still broadcasted until recently. 174 During my fieldwork, my informants generally use the term “entrepreneur” to identify themselves. Although in fact they look like a vendor who manages a small food stall rather than an entrepreneur. I assume that their preferences in using the term “entrepreneur” is significantly related to their efforts to make distinction from other ordinary vendors who do not have higher educational background like them. 116

emphasised that his business success was linked to his religious commitment in performing Islamic devotional acts such as shalat and sedekah . He claimed that he frequently performed sedekah by giving away hundreds of boxes of his chicken porridge when he opened a new branch of his stall. He believed that by undertaking good deeds this would have a positive impact on the growth of his business.

Another “Sharing Bisnis” presenter was the owner of cloth store. His name was Anang. Like Firly, Anang was also in his thirties. Anang developed a cloth store named “Seephylliz,” Indonesian slang renditions of the English

“see please.” Anang mentioned that he had begun the business with Rp.

500.000 from his pocket. He sold the product from one boarding house to others until the product gained popularity among young people. Afterwards he opened a “distro.” “Distro” is a popular term that refers to a supplier of a limited edition clothing of particular design and appearance.

Anang claimed that when his business became successful, his assets reached four billion rupiah. However, due to inexperience he lost control. He bought and consumed everything he wanted and neglected managerial issues.

As a result, his business went bankrupt and was deep in debt to an amoung of over five hundred million rupiah. After receiving help from his best friend he attempted to re-establish his business.

He, however, learnt much from his failure. He highlighted one important lesson from the story of his bankrupt story was sincerity. Sincerity to recognise that wealth was not eternal and that God can take this wealth at anytime He wants to. Regarding to his experience, Anang called on the

“Sharing Bisnis” attendees to become a pious businessmen. After his business 117

failure, Anang claimed that he performed shalat on time and regularly undertook sedekah . He believed that his religious commitment was key to his business success.

VI. Conclusion

This chapter has examined one pattern of Muslim businessmen who were attracted to Yusuf Mansur economic theology and became his followers.

These Muslim businessmen have direct contact and a direct relationship with

Yusuf Mansur. They show processes of reciprocity: the Muslim businessmen distribute their zakat and sedekah to support Yusuf Mansur’s PPPA Daarul

Qur’an, while Yusuf Mansur in return provides them with media coverage for their businesses.

The relationship between Yusuf Mansur and his Muslim businessmen followers also involves business collaboration. They promote their belief that their business success is related to a commitment to perform sedekah and dhuha. They also inform people that they have implemented the practice of economic theology in their companies by requiring all of their employees to perform dhuha before starting work.

These Muslim businessmen have also initiated a charity initiative to circulate the Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology within the business circle.

They have interpreted economic theology through real initiatives to facilitate their followers’ carrying out and promotion of the virtue of sedekah. The members of Makelar Sedekah are typically Muslim small businessmen who 118

distribute their zakat and sedekah to PPPA Daarul Qur’an, a foundation established by Yusuf Mansur. In addition Makelar Sedekah also is advocated by business start-ups and university students. They are interested in joining

Makelar Sedekah due to its business motivation program and its promotion on economic theology.

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Chapter Five Promoting Economic Theology through Initiative: Saptuari Sugiharto and Sedekah Rombongan

Introduction

This chapter will analyse a second pattern of people who have been inspired by Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology. They came to know about Yusuf

Mansur’s economic theology through his publications and televised sermons.

While they have put his teachings into practice, that do not establish contact with him at the earliest stages of their business ventures. After they themselves have gained popularity and are reported in the mass media, Yusuf Mansur acknowledges their activities and endorses them as good practising Muslims.

This chapter builds on my thesis’s argument that the wide circulation of

Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology is attributed to multiple roles played by its followers. The followers adapt the economic theology within their own community and then circulate the idea widely. This chapter will highlight a case study of Saptuari Sugiharto and his initiative called Sedekah Rombongan

(Togetherness in Performing Voluntary Alms Giving).

I. Saptuari Sugiharto: Business and Sedekah

Saptuari Sugiharto is a small businessman who runs a creative business called Kedai Digital (Digital Outlet). This business creates merchandise from mugs to t-shirts. It imprinted with digital image. He was born in 8 September 120

1979 in Yogyakarta. His father passed away when he was child. In order to make a living his mother became a seller at a traditional market. When he was a student in Gadjah Mada University, he used to work as shopkeeper and retailer. After completing his studies he started a Kedai Digital business.

Saptuari experienced several misfortunes in his life. Thieves had broken into his office and had stolen valuable items including computers and digital cameras. Moreover, the thief (or thieves) also broke his windscreen and stole gadgets from his parked car in a Yogyakarta street. Finally, his investment in a trading company failed. He told me that he had lost most of his bank savings and felt depressed.

During this unfortunate time he got to learn about the economic theology of sedekah . It was one morning when he watching Yusuf Mansur’s televised sermon:

Yusuf Mansur, a Muslim preacher who is eager to promote the virtue of sedekah, one day introduced the idea of “matematika sedekah” (a Mathematics of Voluntary Alms Giving) in his televised sermon. He said “if the mathematical knowledge mentions that ten minus one is equal nine, but the matematika sedekah informs us that ten minus one is equal to nineteen. How does this happen? Because first of all when we offer for sedekah we will be rewarded by God by a factor of ten! God is the richest. He never experiences failure by providing you with multiple rewards! Therefore carry out and perform sedekah.” A cup of tea complemented my time as I watched Yusuf Mansur’s preaching. I nodded and agreed with his matematika sedekah (my 175 own translation).

175 Saptuari Sugiharto and Sofie Beatrix, Tweet Sadiz Bikin Mringis: Kumpulan Tweet Inspiratif (Bandung:Mizania, 2012), 84. 121

He had watched Yusuf Mansur’s television sermon and noted the information that sedekah would prevent misfortune, increase your livelihood and heal illnesses. He thought that he had to perform sedekah in order to avoid from another misfortune. He then went to an orphanage to undertake sedekah and from that time on he frequently went to orphanages to distribute his

176 sedekah

Saptuari found that performing sedekah made him peaceful and he realised that sedekah also had a positive impact on the development of his business. His business expanded in many regions of Java. He himself owned ten Kedai Digital outlets and managed forty outlets others, through profit sharing arrangements in partnership with others. Recently he also extended his business into food services.

Saptuari’s efforts to develop his business have brought him receive several entrepreneurial awards. They include “Young Entrepreneur Awards” from Bank Mandiri, “Indonesia Small-Medium Business Entrepreneur

Award,” and “Most Promising Award Asia Pacific Entrepreneur Award.” His profile has been also featured on various local and national media including the national Kompas newspaper and Jakarta based Metro TV.

Furthermore, he also became active in delivering business motivation seminars. His seminars focus on encouraging young people to self-employ as entrepreneurs. Moreover, the seminar also highlights that a successful business

176 Interview with Saptuari Sugiharto, 28 March 2013. 122

is linked to religious commitment including performing sedekah or economic theology.

Saptuari’s seminars follow a routine pattern of explaining six topics.

The topics range from business motivation to religious commitment. They are

‘Berani Kreatif Bikin Bisnis’ (Dare to be creative in creating business), ‘Jurus

Eksis Mengelola Bisnis’ (a strategic way to maintain a business), ‘Twitter Pinter

Rejeki Banter’ ( a smart way to use twitter in order to gain profit), ‘Amazing

Sedekah for Bisnis’ (Amazing voluntary alms giving for business), ‘Berani

Pensiun Bisnis jadi Kampiun’ (Dare to retire and become a successful businessmen) and ‘Rahasia Sukses dengan Birrul Walidain’ (the secret to

177 become a successful entrepreneur by respecting parent) . In brief, people can select one of these topics to be delivered in a business motivation seminar.

In addition to seminars, Saptuari also actively circulates economic theology of sedekah through social media. His twitter account @Saptuari has a following of 102 thousands followers. He has been awarded the most inspirational twitter in “Pesta Blogger ONOFF“ in 2011. His ‘tweets’ frequently address topics of business and sedekah . The popularity of his tweets has also attracted a publisher to adapt them into a publication entitled Tweet

Sadiz Bikin Mringis! Kumpulan Tweet Inspiratif Bikin Kamu Tambah Kreatif

178 (2012) .

177 This information taken from official Saptuari’s term of reference seminar. 178 Saptuari Sugiharto and Sofie Beatrix, Tweet Sadiz Bikin Mringis: Kumpulan Tweet Inspiratif (Bandung:Mizania, 2012).

123

Saptuari also promotes the economic theology of sedekah through his

179 blogspot . He shares his reflections on everyday life in in this blogspot. His essays were also published as a book entitled Catatan Indah Untuk Tuhan (a

180 beautiful notes for God, 2014). In this book he explores how religious commitment has an effect on a successful life.

The majority of Saptuari’s readers and attendees are university students and graduates. They are typically people who seeking an alternative job after finishing their study or are business start-ups. Through his publications and seminars, Saptuari has triggered them to act as self-employed entrepreneurs in order to avoid unemployment after graduation.

I attended Saptuari’s seminars twice in 2013. In his seminar, he presented an attractive PowerPoint and charming presentation. The seminars normally lasted between one and two hours. Saptuari opened his speech by citing the Prophet Muhammad’s Hadist, quoting that “nine of ten pursuing

181 fortune are from commerce.’ By quoting this Hadist, Saptuari addressed the issue that those becoming entrepreneurs rather than employees have a greater chance of becoming prosperous due to its prospects of the nine mentioned in the Prophet’s Hadist. He argued that being an employee provides an exact monthly salary, while being an entrepreneur provides greater opportunities to earn higher income and greater profits every month.

179 www.saptuari.blogspot.com. 180 Saptuari Sugiharto, Catatan Indah Untuk Tuhan (Bandung: Mizania, 2014). 181 I attended Saptuari’s seminar in Yogyakarta (January 2013) and Jakarta (February 2013). He highlighted this Hadist in his seminars. 124

I realised that when Saptuari quoted Hadist or Al-Qur’an, he glossed the meaning of the Arabic text. This glossing of meaning is understandable due to the fact that Saptuari, like many well educated Indonesians who study at secular universities, typically derive their Islamic learning from Islamic study

182 groups, Islamic televised sermons and publications, rather than from the formal study of the Arabic source texts themselves. Indeed, this phenomenon reveals that the print and new media play an exceptionally strong mediating role in the dissemination of religious teachings.

Figure 5.1 Saptuari’s seminar advertisement: Business and Sedekah

182 See Minako Sakai, “Preaching to Muslim Youth in Indonesia: the Dakwah Activities of Habiburrahman El Shirazy,” Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 46, no. 1 (2012): 9-31. 125

Figure 5.2 Saptuari delivering bussiness motivation seminar

Saptuari’s emphasis in his business seminars is on the virtue of sedekah .

He promotes an economic theology of sedekah , that is in line with the entrepreneurial spirit of seeking out profit and material rewards from God. In short, he emphasizes that business is not merely about seeking a profit but it plays a significant role as worship.

Saptuari notes that Yusuf Mansur has inspired him to undertake

183 sedekah . He recognises him as the inspiration of modern Indonesian voluntary alms giving because to Yusuf Mansur’s dedication and commitment to the propagation and the promotion of the virtues of sedekah .

At the end of 2011 Saptuari and several Muslim small businessmen in

Yogyakarta founded a charity initiative named Sedekah Rombongan

183 Interview with Saptuari Sugiharto, 28 March 2013.

126

(Togetherness in Performing Voluntray Alms Giving). It promoted and circulated the ideas of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology of sedekah in an entrepreneurial milieu. In the last three years of its foundation, Sedekah

Rombongan has collected donations from donors amounting to approximately two billion rupiah to help the poor who were suffering from serious illnesses, such as cancer.

II. Sedekah Rombongan : An Initiative for Helping the Poor

Sedekah Rombongan (Togetherness in Performing Voluntray Alms

Giving) is an initiative that aims at helping the poor and needy who have serious illnesses. The embryo of Sedekah Rombongan was initially triggered by

Saptuari’s blog writings. In his blogs, he has written on various topics from entrepreneurship to inspirational stories. Saptuari’s blog has attracted many people to visit and read it, with more than thousand people visiting Saptuari’s

184 blog. One of his popular essays was entitled “Putri Herlina: the two hands

th 185 of an angel” published on 9 June 2011.

The “Putri Herlina” essay captures the story of Saptuari’s visit to an orphanage in Yogyakarta. The orphanage concentrated on caring and looking after foundlings. During his visit, Saptuari met Putri Herlina, an administrator as well as a volunteer with the orphanage. She was born with a disability and lacks both hands. She had been given up by a couple who were unable or

184 Recently Saptuari’s blog shows that it has been visited by millions people. See st saptuari.blogspot.com (accessed 1 February 2015). 185 Saptuari Sugiharto, “Putri Herlina: Sepasang Tangan Bidadari,” http://saptuari.blogspot.com.au/2011/06/putri-herlina.html?m=1. (Accessed 3 February 2015). 127

unwilling to care for her and then left her outside the orphanage. From that time on the orphanage cared the baby and called her Putri Herlina. Putri

Herlina spent her childhood and grew up in the orphanage. Although she has lived with a disability, she did not to go to special school. She attended regular schools, from primary to high school level and wanted to be treated as normal student. She learnt to write and type on a computer with her feet. After completing senior high school, Putri Herlina decided to dedicate her life to managing the orphanage.

Saptuari’s essay on “Putri Herlina” concluded by calling for donations.

He explained that the orphanage cared for dozens of foundlings and children with disabilities. Government financial support, however, was insufficient. In order to support the orphanage Saptuari invited donors to support the orphanage by depositing donations through his bank account. He promised to deliver all donations directtly to the orphanage. He wrote:

“God has given us these foundlings in order to remind us of whether we deserve enter heaven, if we sit, having meals comfortably in McDonald, KFC, Pizza hut, 186 Hoka Bento, and Starbucks . We can spend hundreds of rupiah for meals! Meanwhile we do not care for these disabled orphans and foundlings.”

Saptuari’s essay triggered considerable donations to the orphanage. In my interview, Saptuari noted that “it was really surprising; I found that considerable donations for the orphanage were deposited in my bank

186 In under developed countries, fast foods such as Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) and Mc Donald are identified as ‘junk food.’ In Indonesia in contrary they are recognised as symbols of wealthy and modernity. 128

account.” In order to convince the benefactors that the donation were being delivered directly to the orphanage, Saptuari and his wife directly reported their distribution through his blog. They took photographs of themselves holding a piece of paper displaying the written amount of the donations, when they handed these donations over to the orphanage..

In fact, Saptuari has employed a similar method to collect donations prior to this. The same process was used during the Merapi volcano disaster in

2010. The 2010 eruption was considered to be Mount Merapi’s worst

187 explosion since the powerful eruption of 1870. Saptuari realised that the situation was not conducive to the running of his business. On behalf of

Kedai Digital, he called for donations through social media. As a result he was able to collect Rp. 180.000.000 (AUD 18.000) and distribute these donations to Merapi survivors. After this, when the Mount Merapi disaster subsided,

Saptuari returned to his business and stopped to administering the donations.

However, when he realised that people trusted him, he committed himself to maintain this initiative. He called it Sedekah Rombongan which means “togetherness in performing voluntary alms giving”. He explained that the term rombongan refers to the philosophy of the ant. While ants are considered to be a small creature, they are able to carry food by virtue of

“togetherness” or collective effort. In order to promote this idea, Saptuari has created and used the “hashtag” #SedekahRombongan on Twitter. This

187 http://www.republika.co.id/berita/breaking-news/nusantara/10/11/05/144681-letusan- merapi-2010-terburuk-sejak-1870 (accessed 23 February 2015).

129

hashtag was aimed at inviting and calling on a wide cross section of the

population to become involved in and contribute to this benevolent initiative.

188

Four months after Saptuari has released the hashtag

#SedekahRombongan on Twitter, a young businessman named Karman mentioned to Saptuari via Twitter that he funded the medical treatment of a seven years old boy named Khairul Mughofar. Khairul Mughofar or called Irul was a survivor of Merapi eruption in 2010. He lived in Karang Asem village in

Magelang Central Java. The child had suffered from deafness following an accident when he was thirteen months old. His father Towiyat did not have enough money to treat Irul at the time, as the farther was only a

189 farmworker. Karman urged Saptuari with his Sedekah Rombongan initiative to support Irul’s medical treatment.

III. Mobilising Resources for the Sedekah Rombongan Initiative

In order to develop the SR initiative, Saptuari asked Karman to become involved in Sedekah Rombongan. Karman was an alumnus of

190 Indonesian Institute of Art in Yogyakarta and ran Sidji Batik. Like Saptuari,

188 Hashtag is used to “note a subject, event, or association” by using a hash sigh “#”. It is usually used to invite wide audiences to engage and involve with the note. Dhiraj Murthy, Twitter: Social Communication in the Twitter Age (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013): 3 189 Karman writes the story of Irul in his blog entitled “Irul has his own right to be happy.” https://karangasem2010.wordpress.com/2011/10/05/irul-juga-berhak-bahagia/ (accessed 17 February 2015). 190 Sidji means sole or single and Sidji Batik denotes that the brand only produces one batik motif. This motif contrasts with traditional batik motifs which are commonly of a dark colour. Karman decorates his batik with colourful, fashionable and attractive motifs. 130

Karman is dynamic and active in blog writing and social media. During the

Merapi eruption of 2010, Karman created a blog www.karangasem2010.wordpress.com to invite and persuade the donors to support his project for the Karang Asem villagers to rebuild their houses after the disaster. He made a video about the village and also wrote stories about people of the village, including Irul’s story. In addition to this, he also regularly

‘tweeted’ on Karang Asem village and called for people to support its inhabitants.

Karman’s encounter with Karang Asem started when he devoted himself to becoming a volunteer and collected donations from his friends and networks to help the survivors of the volcanic disaster. One day he found a village on the slopes of Merapi called Karang Asem. This village is located in

Magelang Regency of Central Java. Seventeen houses in Karang Asem village were covered in “cold lava” (cold ash flows) following the eruption. Although several charity organisations were distributed relief, Karman realised that they do not have any plans to build any shelters for Karang Asem villagers.

Consequently, he tried to make a contact with several humanitarian agencies in order to build permanent shelters for the Karang Asem villagers. His efforts, however, were not successful. He then created a blog and made videos about

Karang Asem village in order to invite generous people to assist with the

Consequently, his designs are favoured by overseas customers. He has exported Sidji Batik products to Singapore and Europe.

131

191 construction of shelters. Karman’s initiative was finally successful. He was able to facilitate the construction of 17 shelters in Karang Asem:

“I mentioned the Karang Asem situation on Twitter and expressed my intention to fund and facilitate the construction of 14 shelters there. Surprisingly, I found that many people responded to my initiative. A German friend of mine donated one shelter and this was then followed by others. In this way, I was able to collect donations and facilitate the construction of 17 shelters in Karang Asem, even though I do not have a house of my own at the moment.”

Karman’s involvement with Sedekah Rombongan had supplied new ideas to improve and grow Sedekah Rombongan initiatives. Organizational structures were established. Beneficiaries were identified and a special bank account under the name of Sedekah Rombongan was established, as well a twitter account was created (@SRbergerak) and a website

(www.sedekahrombongan.com). They also called their initiative and actions under Sedekah Rombongan a “courier” as they saw that their job was to deliver donations from the donors to the needy, orphanages and the poor.

Sedekah Rombongan had identified nine categories of recipients. They are disabled care, foundling care, orphanages, aged and poor widows ( janda tua ), poor people who have serious illnesses, poor people who are unable to

191 The story about Karang Asem village could be found in th https://karangasem2010.wordpress.com/(accessed 17 February 2015). During the recovery from the Merapi eruption, Karman had also disseminated information on the Karang Asem situation through other Merapi networks see http://merapi- news.blogspot.com.au/2011/08/laporan-terkini-perkembangan- th keadaan.html?utm_source=BP_recent. (Accessed 17 February 2015).

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afford to pay their childrens’ tuition fees, Islamic boarding schools, mosques and the provision of worship packages.

Despite having these nine categories of beneficiaries, Sedekah

Rombongan emphasised helping the poor which serious illnesses. In 2013, during my fieldwork, Karman considered that Sedekah Rombongan had treated and dealt with 2800 patients from various regions, including Surabaya,

Malang, Yogyakarta and Jakarta. Sedekah Rombongan’s report published on its website indicated that the majority of donations were offered to poor, sick

192 people. In an interview with Karman , he explained to me the reason why

Sedekah Rombongan has prioritised the sick was that health is very important to our life. He argued that “wealth is useless if we are sick. We cannot enjoy our life. By way of contrast, if we are healthy, we can not only can enjoy our life but also project our future.”

Despite the fact that Sedekah Rombongan is advocated by Muslim entrepreneurs and inspired by Islamic scriptures, it does not differentiate between beneficiaries on the basis of religion. Sedekah Rombongan patients were both Muslim and non-Muslim. The activists argued that the poor with serious illnesses need to be treated immediately without considering their religious backgrounds.

In order to organise its activities, Sedekah Rombongan created an operational structure. There are four layers in this structure for Sedekah

Rombongan, namely ‘core couriers’ ( kurir inti ), ‘shadow couriers’ ( kurir

192 Interview with Karman, Yogyakarta 28 March 2013. 133

bayangan ) ‘assistant couriers’ ( kurir pendamping ) and ‘informants’ ( informan ). As I noted earlier the term ‘courier’ here refers to volunteers’ roles in conveying donations to the poor and needy.

‘Core couriers’ involved limited numbers of people. The initial volunteers who devoted themselves to Sedekah Rombongan (Togetherness in

Performing Voluntray Alms Giving) were Saptuari and his wife Sitaresmi,

Karman, Nasrudin and Iqbal. These core couriers were encouraged to create

‘shadow couriers’ to back up their roles. In turn ‘shadow couriers’ were also urged to form ‘assistant couriers’ to back them up and finally ‘assistant couriers’ were advised to form ‘informants.’

The ‘core couriers’ were responsible for administering, reporting and distributing donations to recipients via the website. Meanwhile, ‘shadow couriers’ and ‘assistant couriers’ were responsible for accompanying patients during their treatment in hospital or their stay at rumah singgah (home stay, hospices). Indeed, ‘shadow couriers’ and ‘assistance couriers’ were appointed to pick the patients up from their home or Sedekah Rombongan homestays to be treated in hospital and to look after them during their treatment. While

‘informants’ were responsible for looking for information regarding the targeting of donations including orphanages, Islamic boarding schools, and the poor and needy who could not afford to pay for their medication etc.

The description of organisational structure mentioned above has developed gradually. Karman said to me that initially Sedekah Rombongan was organised around a limited number of volunteers, namely those who were 134

involved in Sedekah Rombongan at its initial stage. These people also devoted themselves to fostering and growing Sedekah Rombongan. In order to find the appropriate people to delivered donations, they visited villages and looked for information about the poor and needy. Beside his business activity in managing Sidji Batik , Karman said that he spent ten days a month dedicating to working as volunteer in Sedekah Rombongan:

“In the early stages of the Sedekah Rombongan initiative I dedicated ten days a month to Sedekah Rombongan. I spent the days visiting areas in Central Java to discover those in need who had a serious illness like cancer and tumours. I accompanied them up to hospital and gave them a Sedekah Rombongan donation on my own. It could be said that the initial stage story of Sedekah Rombongan was about dedication, enthusiasm and passion.” The story of initial efforts of dedicated volunteers to nurturing Sedekah

Rombongan was also nicely described by Saptuari in his new book entitled

193 Catatan Indah untuk Tuhan (Beautiful notes for God) . In this book Saptuari describes a moment when a core courier of Sedekah Rombongan went around seeking out beneficiaries. He writes that one Sunday afternoon on 20

November 2011, Dhemang a nickname of Nasrudin Sani, came to a village called Plaosan in Prambanan, Klaten Central Java. Dhemang received information about a little girl named Rara who had an accident three month previously. A large pan of boiling water had fallen on her. Her father named

Jayadi was a labourer in a tofu (soya bean curd) factory and he had immediately brought her to a hospital for treatment. Jayadi has been spent Rp 6, 5 million

(AUD 6500) for Rara’s medical treatment, a considerable amount of money

193 Saptuari Sugiharto, Catatan Indah untuk Tuhan (Bandung: Mizania, 2014): 42-52. 135

for a labourer like him. However, due to his economic situation, Jayadi decided to terminate the treatment and brought Rara home. Jayadi treated

Rara by providing her a lotion. When Dhemang found her, her burned body was pustulant and infected. Dhemang sent information about Rara to other

Sedekah Rombongan volunteers and then Sedekah Rombongan decided to bring her to the hospital for further treatment. In short, 45 days later, the hospital decided that it was possible to discharge her and she was allowed to go home.

The dedication, enthusiasm and intensity of SR volunteers to helping unfortunate others have nurtured this organisation and its actions. Recently

Sedekah Rombongan established a rumah singgah , a homestay for patients during the medical treatment process. At first glance, the rumah singgah was similar to other neighbouring houses. What maked it different is that the house had a logo attached to its front wall. The logo depicted a house with eight ants holding their hands tightly together in the house. In addition, there was a sign Rumah Singgah Sedekah Rombongan (a Home Stay of

Togetherness in Performing Vokuntray Alms Giving). 136

Figure 5. 3 Sedekah Rombongan home stay

Figure. 5. 4 Sedekah Rombongan’s Response Car

137

Despite the fact that the house was called a rumah singgah (homestay), it was not a normal homestay that provided comfortable live-in facilities. It was only a rented house located in village area in eastern part of Yogyakarta,

Central Java. The rumah singgah had three bedrooms, one kitchen and toilet and a living room. There was no sofa featured in the living room. It has been left empty. The wall was decorated with pictures of Sedekah Rombongan patients.

Two wooden settees and a table were located on its veranda. In the afternoon, the veranda became an intimate place for patients and couriers to chat.

Indeed, Sedekah Rombongan does not have an office, but the existence of rumah singgah has, in effect, become an office for its volunteers.

Furthermore, Sedekah Rombongan had acquired three ambulances used for assessing the beneficiaries, picking up patients to be driven to hospital and bringing them back home afterwards. Such facilities as these are common

194 among Islamic charity organisations in Indonesia. Most of Sedekah

Rombongan beneficiaries were living in villages and as such they were far away from hospitals and medical centres. When they were being treated in hospital,

Sedekah Rombongan volunteers had to pick them up from their villages and bring them back to their homes after the treatment. Initially, the volunteers used their own cars to assist with the patients’ transportation or arranged for a travel agency to pick up their patients.

194 Hilman Latief, “Health Provision for the Poor: Islamic Aid and the Rise of Charitable Clinics in Indonesia,” South East Asia Research 18, no 3 (2010): 503-553. 138

Some businessmen, including Sandiaga Uno, donated a car for Sedekah

Rombongan. Sedekah Rombongan called this car a Mobil Tanggap Sedekah

Rombongan (MTSR, Togetherness in Performing Voluntary Alms Giving

Response Vehicle). In addition there were also five trail bikes donated by donors to support Sedekah Rombongan activity in order to assess and pick patients up to take them to hospital.

MTSR has become the medium for Sedekah Rombongan volunteers to interact regularly with patients. They share stories, sadness and happiness. In addition they also have become familiar with the smell of disease such as tumours and cancer. This interaction not only cultivates an intimacy between

SR volunteers and patients but strengthens a sense of purpose in the volunteers.

IV. Resonating with Economic Theology

Sedekah Rombongan has promoted economic theology as a way of mobilising donations through social media. Saptuari has regularly posted verses of al-Qur’an on social media, which make mention of the virtues of sedekah . He also demonstrated success stories of people who experienced material rewards as a result of giving sedekah .

Saptuari circulated the story of Karman. He experienced 700 percent material rewards from his sedekah to a religious congregation in an Islamic boarding school in Yogyakarta. On one afternoon, Karman donated Rp

1.000.000 (AUD 100) for a religious congregation ritual ( mujahadah ). 139

Afterward, Karman received a message from a Singaporean buyer who ordered 700 pieces of his batik designs. Every piece of batik was valued as Rp

1.000.000 (AUD 100). Saptuari mentioned “the verse of Cow 261 in the al-

Qur’an, stating that “Allah will reward seven hundred multiple rewards for the

195 donors!”. Tonight I am really surprised to witness God’s promise .”

Figure. 5.5 Sedekah Rombongan’s Promotion of economic theology on social media

Saptuari also captured the compassionate feelings of his donors by exhibiting patients’ photographs. Saptuari deliberately presented and displayed

Sedekah Rombongan’s patients’ real conditions on the Sedekah Rombongan website in order to stimulate compassion among the organisation’s donors.

195 Saptuari Sugiharto Tweet Sadiz Bikin Mringis, 5.2 140

These patients were depicted with acute tumours or cancer and suffering due to their illnesses. These pictures were accompanied by stories of patients including their identity, details of their hometown, and the stage of treatment.

While at first sight people might approach such photographs with a sense of dread, these photographs also significantly stimulated a compassionate and charitable response. Saptuari noted: “Yesterday we depicted our sixty five patients on Twitter as well as on our website in order to appeal donors.”

Social media has also enabled wide support and response. SR volunteers consider that their initiatives have become popular due to the support and attention from Muslim businessmen in the business sector. For example Yusuf Mansur who previously had not personally know Saptuari and his colleagues, through the medium of Twitter was able to give support to

Sedekah Rombongan:

“We not only need honest and trusted people to call and distribute voluntary alms but we urgently need people who donate these alms with love and passion. I have found them at @saptuari and with my #SedekahRombongan colleagues. I have shed tears when I realised that feelings of compassion have started to decline in this country. However, I am optimistic through what I have seen that the senses will be back for one aim: Allah everything for Him.

V. Cultivating a Benevolent Impulse

SR has also regular benevolent activities to provide provisions to the poor and needy called dugem . It is an acronym for dum-duman gudeg malam- malam, a Javanese language meaning distributing gudeg, a special food of

Yogyakarta at midnight. Gudeg is made from jackfruit which is cooked with 141

coconut cream and palm sugar and served with chicken, egg and a spicy sauce.

The term dugem in Indonesia initially referred to dunia malam (night world), denoting leisure time on the weekend spent hanging out in cafés or discoteques. However, SR uses the same term to identify its activities in distributing food to the poor and needy.

Dugem is associated with Karman’s initiative to distribute food every

Thursday at midnight. One Thursday midnight, Karman and his brother enjoyed gudeg that is usually served at midnight on food stalls in Yogyakarta.

Suddenly he missed his mother, who was born in Yogyakarta and had recently lived in Kuningan, West Java and wanted to call her. During the conversation, he mentioned his recent activities in SR to his mother. His mother suggested

196 that he give voluntary alms by providing gudeg to buruh gendong , a traditional labourers who receive money by helping vendors carry their goods to

Beringharjo traditional market in Yogyakarta. After speaking to his mother,

Karman bought sixty packs of gudeg and distributed them to some of the buruh gendong at Beringharjo market. Karman felt happy and committed himself to continue this benevolent act in every Thursday midnight. He decided on

Thursday midnight to distribute foods to needy because he believed that God would reward every good deeds conducted at that time with multiple rewards.

Then, he determined that he would to distribute 200 packs of food every

Thursday midnight and invited his colleagues in SR to join with him in

196 Buruh gendong is a traditional labour who receive money for helping vendors carry their goods to Beringharjo traditional market Yogyakarta. 142

offering this foods. Some volunteers have also joined in by contributing the food. Consequently they regularly distribute 200 to 300 food packs every

Thursday night. As a result of this night time activity, Karman calls this initiative “dugem”.

Dugem normally is conducted for one and a half hours. It starts at 24.00 am from Faishol’s house. Faishol is a ‘shadow courier’ with Sedekah

Rombongan who is also a gudeg vendor. At 23.00 pm, some Sedekah

Rombongan volunteers gather to attend dugem at the designated location. They chat and put the foods in boxes to be delivered. At 24.00 am on time, Karman and the volunteers start the dugem activity. They drive cars including MTSR ambulance and head towards Malioboro, Yogyakarta’s main street and the site of Beringharjo market. It is a popular site for tourism in Yogyakarta and many locals earn their income at this location. The volunteers stop their vehicles for a while at several locations to provide food to the poor and needy who sleep overnight in front of kiosks. When I attended dugem, Karman told me that it has been regularly conducted for about 65 weeks. It is, therefore, not surprising that they are very familiar with locations where the poor and needy spend the night.

The recipients are mostly pedicab drivers and buruh gendong . Although they provide food to all poor and needy persons in the Malioboro area, they prioritise those who work to earn income, like pedicab drivers and buruh gendong rather than beggars who merely seek out a generosity of others. The pedicab drivers work the whole day to provide tourists with transport to visit 143

sites such as the Sultan’s palace and shopping areas along Malioboro Street.

They rent the pedicab and have to earn sufficient income to pay rental payments on the pedicab to its owner. At night time they will park their pedicab in front of kiosks and spend the night, sleeping in their pedicabs.

Buruh gendong are generally older women who live in villages surrounding

Yogyakarta They go to the city and stay several days in Beringharjo market to earn money. Due to their low incomes, they cannot afford to pay for accommodation. Consequently, they sleep overnight in front of the market kiosks ( emperan ). They wake up early in the morning at about 04.00 am to start to work and take a rest after the market has ended its activity in the evening.

When I attended dugem , I realised that more than twenty buruh gendong stay overnight in front of the Beringharjo kiosks. They use boxes as their matress to cover the floor and wear sarung as their blanket.

Dugem has become a routine activity for Sedekah Rombongan volunteers that have shaped their ethical perceptions. The majority of SR volunteers have participated in dugem activity to provide food to the poor and needy. Although the ‘core couriers’ of Sedekah Rombongan are Muslim businessmen, the other volunteers, either ‘shadow couriers’ or ‘assistant couriers’, involve university students and recent starters in business activities.

These volunteers get to know about Sedekah Rombongan through social media and entrepreneurship seminars presented by Saptuari or Karman and then participate in Sedekah Rombongan charitable activities. If Sedekah

Rombongan is aimed at administering and distributing the donations to 144

beneficiaries, dugem is considered by SR as a rehearsal to practice voluntary alms giving. The volunteers experience an immediate interaction with pedicab drivers and buruh gendong who have decided to work for a living rather than becoming beggars. This experience also cultivates compassionate feelings and awareness about poverty in the environment around the volunteers and their beneficiaries.

Figure 5.6 SR volunteers carrying out dugem

145

Figure 5.6 Karman distributing sedekah to buruh gendong

The Sedekah Rombongan activists identify their initiative as Sedekah

Jalanan (Street Voluntary Alms Giving). In its vision statement, Sedekah

Rombongan states:

“This is a street voluntary alms giving. It is about people who cannot afford to buy medicines and foods…It is about baby formula and meals that finish the following morning and also about students who cannot pay their tuition fees…In addition, it is also about the building of orphanages, Islamic boarding schools, and homestays for poor that need to be refurbished and extended…” #SedekahRombongan delivers provisions from the sky (God) in an uncomplicated, easy and unconvoluted way.”

The advocates of Sedekah Rombongan explain the term Sedekah

Jalanan as signifying their immediate action to help the poor and needy without any procedural and complicated assessments. If they receive information about those in need who cannot afford to pay for medical treatments, the ‘core couriers’ will coordinate with ‘shadow couriers’ and

‘assistance couriers’ to visit them and gather information about the patient. 146

The assessments were conducted quickly by observing the sick and interview his or her neighbours. In addition, it also refers to their commitment to deliver 100% of donations to the poor and needy. Saptuari mentioned to me “We do not take a 10 % administration fee ( amil ) from the donations, we do not get any salaries from this activity, we do not spend money for advertisements, and we do not need to rent an office. Our office is only a website and Twitter account and we utilise them to promote Sedekah

Rombongan.”

In order to assess the beneficiaries, Sedekah Rombongan does not have strict criteria as reference points for beneficiaries. In relation to those who have a serious illness, they will their medical reports and consult with the doctor in the hospital. If the doctor says that there is a reasonable chance of recovery for the sick, Sedekah Rombongan will take the sick to hospital and cover all of their expenses during the treatment period. If a doctor declares that the sickness is acute and has little chance of recovery, Sedekah

Rombongan will only provide a donation to support the sick. Faishol a

‘shadow courier’ explains:

“If we get information about those in need who can recover in hospital, the couriers coordinate and discuss the case. They will ask one of the couriers to visit the sick and gather information relating to them. If the sickness is considered to be an acute condition such as kidney failure and leukaemia, we only provide a donation to support their medical treatment. But if the illness has a reasonable chance of recovery, such as (treatable) cancer and tumours we will bring the sick to hospital to be treated until they recover.”

147

This simple process of assessment conducted by Sedekah Rombongan volunteers in assessing its recipients has become their primary means of action in helping the poor. They explained that helping the poor and needy needs to be done immediately in order to release them from their suffering.

197 Erica Bornstein explains that the essence of philanthropy is originally impulsive and spontaneous. It is associated with an immediate desire to relieve a person of their suffering and distress. However, when charity is projected as a long-term project in the form of poverty alleviation, or regulated through moral judgments, philanthropy becomes a rational and instrumental action.

The rational action of philanthropy has consequently replaced the impulsive and spontaneous action of philanthropy. She remarks “…This poignant impulse to relieve suffering threatens rationalised charity that focuses on the long-tern alleviation of need. Just as impulses do not focus on results, impulsive philanthropy is condemned as outside of reason.” By declaring its action as Sedekah Jalanan (Street Voluntary Alms Giving), Sedekah

Rombongan initiative attempts to bring the essence of charity act back, namely

198 “a kindly desire to end misery and suffering.” It deliberately challenges the institutionalised charity actions that work on strict procedure and criteria in which reduces the immediacy and compassionate feeling to release suffering of the unfortunate other.

197 Erica Bornstein, “The Impulse of Philanthropy,” Cultural Anthropology 24, no 4 (2009): 622-651

198 Ibid 148

VI. Conclusion

This chapter has shown an adaptation of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology through helping the poor who have serious illnesses. Although SR was attracted and adapted Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology, they did not establish a contact to Yusuf Mansur. However, after Sedekah Rombongan achieved popularity though its charity acts, Yusuf Mansur contacted its advocates and offered support for their activity.

The activities of Saptuari and his Muslim businessmen fellows in

Sedekah Rombongan significantly resonate with Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology. Their adaptation of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology has inspired

199 other young people to follow their path including Sedekah Harian and

200 Laskar Sedekah. The following chapter will also show another form of reception and adaptation of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology. The chapter will highlight the circulation of economic theology among university students.

199 http://sedekahharian.com/ (accessed 10 September 2015) 200 http://www.laskarsedekah.com/ (accessed 10 September 2015) 149

Chapter Six The Circulation of Economic Theology: Business Motivation Seminars and the Aspirations of Youth

Introduction

This chapter will examine the circulation of economic theology among the university students through business motivation seminars. I have divided this second pattern into two cases due to their different adaptations of Yusuf

Mansur’s economic theology. The first case adapts and transmits economic theology through charity acts, while the second adapts and circulates it through business motivation seminars.

This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section sheds light on the context behind the popularity of business motivation seminars among the university students and graduates. This is a new phenomenon as previously the most popular occupation amongst graduates was in the Public Service in

Indonesia. The second presents a business motivator, Ippho Santosa, as an example of this current phenomenon. The last part of the chapter will analyse two stories from young people who attended business motivation seminars and were inspired to start their own businesses.

I. Setting the Scene

During the period of sustained economic growth in Indonesia during the 1970s-1980s, the New Order prioritised educational policy to foster human resource development. The New Order government created an 150

ambitious project to build up SD INPRES (presidential directive on elementary schools) in all part of the country and made education compulsory from first through to grade six and later through to grade nine. Consequently, most young adults had finish senior high school and illiteracy has almost

201 disappeared among the younger population.

Between 1965 and 1990, the percentage of young adults with basic literacy skills climbed sharply from 40 to 90 percent. Moreover, the percentage of youth who graduated from senior high school grew from 4 percent to more

202 than 30 percent. As a result of the spread of compulsory education policy, the current generation of Indonesian youth are the most educated in

203 Indonesian history.

204 A recent study by Nilan, Parker, Bennett and Robinson shows that the majority of Indonesian university graduates have aspired to work in formal sector of the economy, in areas such as private business or as government

205 employees. The most favoured position is as government employees.

201 Terrence Hull and Gavin W Jones, “Demographic Perspectives” in Indonesia’s New Order: The Dynamic of Socio-economic Transformation , ed. Hal Hill ( Honolulu: University of Hawai Press, 1994), 123-178. 202 Nancy J Smith-Hefner, Javanese Women and the Veil in Post-Soeharto Indonesia,” The Journal of Asian Studies 66, no.2 (2007): 389-420. 203 Pam Nilan, Lynette Parker, Linda Bennett and Kathryn Robinson, “Indonesian Youth Looking towards the Future,” Journal of Youth Studies 14, no. 6 (2011): 709-728; Lyn Parker and Pam Nilan, Adolescents in Contemporary Indonesia (London and New York: Routledge, 2013), 1. 204 Pam Nilan, Lynette Parker, Linda Bennett and Kathryn Robinson, “Indonesian Youth Looking towards the Future”. 205 Pam Nilan, Lynette Parker, Linda Bennett and Kathryn Robinson, “Indonesian Youth Looking towards the Future; Heyder Affan, “Anak Muda Indonesia yang Butuh Lapangan 151

Although the salary is lower than working in private sector, becoming a public servant is closely associated with certainty in life due to job permanence, as well as offering a pension on retirement. In addition to this, the civil service has a regularized promotion system.

The aspiration to become a government employee is also linked to its image as a representation of Indonesian middle class. According to Solvay

Gerkey the rapid development of Indonesian bureaucracy and educational system has placed civil servants at the centre of the emerging of Indonesian

206 middle class. This image can be traced back to the Dutch colonial period where the (bureaucratic elite class) were situated at the centre of the

207 colonial bureaucratic machine.

The growing number of university graduates has, however, surpassed the available employment opportunities in the formal sector. Indeed,

208 scholars have demonstrated that beginning in the middle of the first decade of this century Indonesia experienced “jobless growth.” This situation has

Kerja” http://www.bbc.co.uk/indonesia/laporan_khusus/2011/06/110610_anakmudadanpengang guran.shtml. (Accessed 28 March 2014). 206 Solvay Gerkey, “Global Lifestyle under Local Conditions: the New Indonesian Middle Class,” in Consumption in Asia: Lifestyle and Identities , ed. Chua Beng-Huat (London and New York: Routledge, 2000), 135-158. 207 Selosoemarjan, Social Changes in Yogyakarta (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1962), 106. See also Ruth T. McVey, “The Beamtenstaat in Indonesia,” in Interpreting Indonesian Politics: Thirteen Contributions to the Debate ed. Benedict Anderson and Audrew Kahin (Ithaca, New York: Southeast Asia Cornell University, 1982), 84-91. 208 Pam Nilan, Lynette Parker, Linda Bennett and Kathryn Robinson, “Indonesian Youth Looking towards the Future; Suzanne Naafs, “Youth, Gender, and the Workplace: Shifting Opportunities and Aspirations in an Indonesian Industrial Town,” The ANNALS of the American Academy 646 (2013):233-250. 152

significantly impacted on young people. Furthermore, in 2011 the Indonesian

209 government also imposed a moratorium on the recruitment of civil servants .

This moratorium has gravely increased concerns regarding employment possibilities among university graduates.

In 2013, the Minister of Labour and Transmigration, Muhaimin

Iskandar stated that 360,000 of the 7.17 million unemployed in Indonesia were

210 university graduates. Anticipating this problem of unemployment among university graduates some government agencies have instigated entrepreneurship programs, that targeting students and university graduates to

211 encourage self-employment.

The government policy of entrepreneurship development, in fact started during the New Order era under the Presidential instruction number 4 of 1995. However, increased efforts began in February 2011 particularly when the Indonesian government through its Ministry of Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises released its program called Gerakan Kewirausahaan

Nasional (National Movement for Entrepreneurship, GKN). This program

209 The moratorium remains a significant issue in the following years. The Minister of Administrative and Bureaucratic Reform, Yuddy Chrisnandi stated that starting from 2015, the government will release a moratorium for five years to evaluate the performance of government officers. http://lipsus.kompas.com/indonesiasatu/read/2014/10/28/22190851/Moratorium.CPNS. Akan.Berlangsung.5.Tahun (acessed 1 September 2015). 210 Reza Gunadha “: 600 Ribu Sarjana di Indonesia Jadi Pengangguran” http://www.tribunnews.com/nasional/2013/11/03/muhaimin-iskandar-600-ribu-sarjana-di- indonesia-jadi-pengangguran. (Accessed 4 February 2014). 211 Shafiq Dhanani, Iyanatul Islam and Anis Chowdhury, the Indonesian Labour Market: Changes and Challenges (London and New York: Routledge, 2009), 68-69. 153

aimed to reduce poverty and unemployment rates in Indonesia, particularly among young educated people.

The Minister of the Cooperative and Small and Medium Enterprises,

212 Sjarifuddin Hasan, in his article published in 2013 confirmed that the most significant challenge to promote the entrepreneurial spirit among Indonesian youth was that the majority of university graduates were more interested in working as government officials rather than finding a career in entrepreneurship. Meanwhile, university graduates who have decided to become entrepreneurs remain unconfident in declaring their status. In fact, becoming an entrepreneur in contemporary Indonesia is still generally chosen as a second choice of job after government employment. In other words, people who decide to become entrepreneurs are identified as failed civil servants.

Against this backdrop of employment problems among well-educated

Indonesians, I argue that several successful small and medium scale businessmen, including Mas Mono, Saptuari and Ippho Santosa, have come to

213 the fore as motivators and sources of inspiration . Rather than seeking a job

212 Sjarifuddin Hasan, “Indonesia’s Experience in Entrepreneurship Development,” The Indonesian Quarterly , 41, no. 2 (2013): 182-188. Sjarifuddin Hasan was a Minister of Cooperative and Small and Medium Enterprises in Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono era. He is a senior politician of Democratic Party. 213 The figures who regularly give encouragement to become entrepreneurial, self-reliant and disciplined have recently been called motivator and inspirator in Indonesian . During my fieldwork, my interlocutors used the term motivator to identify people who were frequently invited by companies and entrepreneurial events to deliver motivational speeches. The term in many ways could be associated with the idea of the “self-help guru” in the Western context. This is because the figures who frequently deliver motivational speech in Indonesian 154

in the formal sector, they encourage young Indonesian adults to start their own businesses. In order to attract seminar audiences, these businessmen create attractive seminar topics, such as “Becoming a successful businessmen without capital,” “Becoming a rich in forty days,” and “Seeking a blessed

Livelihood.”

Figure 6. 1 Event of Entrepreneurship among the University Students

context are deliberately presenting themselves as self-helpers in terms of convincing people that they can become healthier, more prosperous, and happier in life. Self-help here particularly points to self-transformation and self-alteration. See Heidi Marie Rimke, “Governing Citizens through Self-help Literatures,” Cultural Studies 14, no. 1 (2000): 61-78; James B. Hoesterey, Sufis and Self-Help Gurus: Islamic Psychology, Religious Authority, and Muslim Subjectivity in Contemporary Indonesia , unpublished PhD Thesis (University of Wisconsin- Madison, 2009); James B. Hoesterey, “Prophetic Cosmopolitanism: Islam, Pop Psychology, and Civic Virtue in Indonesia.” City and Society 24, no. 1 (2012):38-61.

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Figure 6.2. Entrepreneurship seminar at Gadjah Mada University

Based on my observations between November 2012 and April 2013 I became aware that popular business motivation seminar topic for youth was about “pursuing a blessed fortune” ( mencari rezeki berkah ). The notion of rezeki is not merely limited to earning an income but also physical and spiritual wellbeing such as good health and financial sufficiency. This characterisation also mentions that the good fortune is a blessed one. Blessed fortune is not only a matter of material plenty to cover human needs but a fortune that is beneficial to others. In order to get a blessed fortune the seminar emphasises religious involvement and commitment to God through performing Islamic devotional acts such as sedekah . 156

In the following sections I will analyse three case studies. The first of my case studies will explore the profile of the motivator, Ippho Santosa, and his publication and business motivation seminar entitled Tujuh Keajaiban

Rezeki (Seven Miracles of Good Fortune). The latter case studies will examine two young adults who attended these seminars and were inspired by the motivational advice given through these seminars and their associated publications. My analysis of these three case studies will shed light on the spread of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology among university students that has been facilitated by motivators as well as the young adults who were inspired by this economic theology.

II. Ippho Santosa: A Business Motivator

Ippho Santosa was born 30 December 1977 in Pekanbaru, ,

Sumatra. He grew up as a person lacking in confidence due to his family background. He came from a low income family and had to work hard during his studies. He completed his BA in marketing from the Universitas Utara

Malaysia (Northern University of Malaysia).

Ippho Santosa worked in marketing for a property company in Batam, in line with his study background. After several years working with the company he realised that being an employee did not provide him a good income. He wanted to run a business. He used his savings to start a small business. He opened a food stall to sell traditional food such as meatball soup 157

(bakso ) and soup ( soto ). However, after running his business for several months he failed and had to close his stall.

Ippho Santosa never gave up. He restarted his business by selling other food. This time he sold donuts. His business ran well and he increased the number of his stalls to three. His small success then tempted him to expand into other businesses. However, his lost his focus in developing his further businesses and went bankrupt.

His failures in food service businesses made him to think about other business opportunities. He got an idea to develop a kindergarten which cultivates entrepreneurial spirit in children in Batam. He found an investor who supported his idea and finally he established a kindergarten named

Khalifah. Ippho Santosa’s Khalifah kindergarten developed steadily. It becomes a business franchised this idea and it has branched out to eighty branches in several regions of Indonesia. On its official website Khalifah kindergarten promotes a style of education that cultivates entrepreneurial spirit

214 in children and habituates them to dhuha and sedekah .

In order to support his business, Ippho wrote a book entitled

215 Muhammad sebagai Pedagang . In this book, Ippho Santosa developed his ideas and based them on those of Abdullah Gymnastiar, Syafii Antonio and Yusuf

Mansur. He maintained that the Prophet Muhammad was a successful trader

214 http://tkkhalifah.com/tentang-kami. 215 Ippho Santosa and Tim Khalifah, Muhammad Sebagai Pedagang (Jakarta: Elex Media Komputindo, 2014, sixteenth edition). This book was firstly published in 2008. 158

and that this justified the view that the best occupation was also that of a

216 trader. He went on to write several other books.

His most bestselling book is Tujuh Keajaiban Rezeki (Seven Miracle of

217 Good Fortune). The title of this book seems to have a connection with

Stephen R Covey’s Seven Habits of Highly Effective People . Tujuh Keajaiban Rezeki explores seven ways to pursue a blessed fortune namely being self-confident, having a harmonious family, right-brainer ( otak kanan ), hospitality, being pious, promoting endeavour, and self-branding. These seven methods are linked to

Islamic teachings such as the virtue of prayer ( doa ), sedekah , dhuha and respect for parents. Seven Miracle of Good Fortune cites religious texts from Hadist and Al-Qur’an and weds them to statements from popular businessmen and management guru s such as Robert Kiyosaki and Stephen R Covey.

The content of Seven Miracle of Good Fortune resonates with Yusuf

Mansur’s economic theology. The book’s title also suggests that it is linked to

Stephen R Covey’s Seven Habits book. This book explains the benefits of undertaking sedekah and dhuha in everyday life. It quotes several Hadist from the Prophet Muhammad mentioning that sedekah will increase fortune, heal illness, and prevent misfortune. In this book, Ippho Santosa mentions that during the middle of 2009 he collaborated with Yusuf Mansur on a Kun

216 Some of Ippho Santosa’s publications include Hanya 2 Menit Anda Bisa Tahu Potensi Rezeki Anda (Only in two minutes you will know your potential fortune) (Jakarta: Elex Media Komputindo, 2012), Percepatan Rezeki: Dalam 40 Hari Dengan Otak Kanan (the acceleration of fortune in forty days with right brain) (Jakarta: Elex Media Komputindo, 2012, seventh edition, 2012) 217 Tujuh Keajaiban Rezeki (Seven Miracles of Good Fortune) (Jakarta: Elex Media Komputindo, 2011, nineteenth edition). It was firstly published in 2010. 159

Fayakuun seminar. In addition to this, Yusuf Mansur also provided a

218 testimonial for Seven Miracle of Good Fortune .

In Seven Miracle of Good Fortune Ippho Santosa adapts his discussions about rezeki to western popular management theories on the ‘right brain’ and ‘left brain.’ He appropriates this ‘right-brain’ notion to push his readers into immediate action, especially to startup a business. He argues that educational institutions have overly emphasised ‘left-brain’ in a learning

219 process that is too analytical and rational . As a result it has produced a cautious and calculating people. Ippho Santosa has claimed in business motivation seminars that he himself is a right brain trainer.

The popularity of the idea of right brain is triggered by the bestselling popular management book of Daniel H. Pink entitled A Whole New Mind: Why

220 Right-Brainers Will Rule the Future . This book has been listed as number fifteen in the New York Times bestseller list and has been translated into

221 twenty four languages including Indonesian . Its starting point is that human brain has two hemispheres, namely a right and a left. The right hemisphere is characterised by intuitive, subjective and big picture thinking, while the left

218 Ippho Santosa, 7 Keajaiban Rezeki, 99-106

219 During I attended his Tujuh Keajaiban Rezeki seminar in Jakarta and in Australia in April 2012 and February 2013 Ippho spoke on the issue of educational institutions that emphasis on left-brain tendency. 220 Daniel H. Pink, A Whole New Mind: Why Right-Brainers Will Rule the Future (New York: River Head Book, 2005). 221 Daniel H. Pink, Misteri Otak Kanan Manusia (Yogyakarta: Think, 2008). 160

brain is characterised as rational, analytical and focuses on parts of things rather than the whole picture.

III. Seven Miracle of Good Fortune Seminar

Following the success of Seven Miracle of Good Fortune’s publication, in 2012 Ippho Santosa started a seminar series using the similar title to the book. However, the seminar was designed in more attractive and dramatic way. It offered two hour presentations complemented by PowerPoints and videos. Ippho Santosa’s Seven Miracle of Good Fortune has been staged for various institutions such as , Post Indonesia and Telkomsel.

It has also been organized at many universities including Technology Institute of Surabaya (ITS) and Paramadina University.

The popularity of Seven Miracle of Good Fortune among Indonesian

Muslims triggered a prominent Islamic charity organisation the Wallet of the

Poor (Dompet Dhuafa) to appoint Ippho Santosa as its ambassador. In collaboration with “the Wallet of the Poor,” Ippho Santosa has presented

Seven Miracle of Good Fortune overseas, including in Australia, Singapore,

South Korea, , Saudi Arabia and Egypt for Indonesian migrants. Ippho

Santosa’s seminar facilitates the donation to the Wallet of the Poor overseas

222 activities such as building mosques and Islamic boarding schools.

222 I attended Ippho Santosa’s Seven Miracle of Good Fortune seminars twice in Australia. The first was in 2012 and the latest was in the midst 2015. The two events were supported by the Wallet of the Poor (Dompet Dhuafa). 161

Figure 6.3 : Ippho delivering a Seven Miracle of Good Fortune seminar at Jakarta International Expo, February 2013

In line with the Seven Miracle of Good Fortune book, Ippho’s seminar addresses religious commitment as a way to seek an Islamic blessed livelihood.

He emphasises the importance of sedekah , dhuha and respect for parents. He always opens his seminar by asking the attendees: who has read the Seven

Miracle of Good Fortune book? Who has experienced a miracle by implementing advice from the book? Then, he addresses his audience by asking them to implement the seminar advice immediately and to avoid questioning every single word. He assures his audience that they will experience the miracle of pursuing a blessed livelihood soon.

In his seminars Ippho regularly accentuates the idea that Islam promotes prosperity for its adherents. He mentions that to become an 162

entrepreneur can make a Muslim wealthier. He justifies this by noting that

Prophet Muhammad was rich and spent his wealth to undertake good deeds:

Being a rich is one of the essential messages of Islam. By living wealthy we can undertake the worship to God conveniently. Conversely living as an indigent tends to bring us closer to disloyalty to God. The Prophet Muhammad as a good moral example for us was a successful trader and rich. He offered forty camels as a dowry for Khadijah. He also had a good camel as a vehicle named Al-Qashwa. If we compare this to our present day, it is similar to the newest Mercedes-Benz or at least Toyota Alphard. Do not avoid being rich. If you are rich you can carry out alms giving ( zakat ) and voluntary alms giving ( sedekah ).

I have attended Seven Miracle of Good Fortune seminars in Indonesia and Australia. I observed that there were three special sessions in Ippho

Santosa’s Seven Miracle of Good Fortune seminar. The first was a session about the significant role of prayer ( doa ). In this session, the attendees were asked to stand up, find someone who was sitting next to them, and to shake their hand. Then he encouraged his seminar attendees to pray with one another. This session illuminated the idea that prayer has a significant role in seeking a blessed livelihood. The following description illustrates the message of this session:

“Please stand up and find someone who is sitting next to you” requested Ippho Santosa, during his presentation of the business motivation seminar Seven Miracle of Good Fortune. “Find a partner of the same gender to you; a male needs to find a male friend and female needs to find a female friend. Once you have done so, I need both of you to shake each others’ hand, close your eyes and follow my words: “My brother, for the God’s sake I am sincerely praying for you to God so that you will have a blessed livelihood, a wealthy life, a harmonious family and also have good children. I completely believe that you are also sincerely praying to God for my blessed livelihood, a wealthy life, a harmonious family and having good children. My 163

brother, God willing, we can realise all of our aspirations and hopes because we support each other” (quiet for while). Afterwards, Ippho Santosa asked the audiences to hug one another. “Who has shed tears? Who has felt an emotional moment?” Ippho Santosa asked. Some member of the audience raised their hands. “Why? He questioned. One audience testified that she had shed tears because she felt that she had sincerely prayed for her friend. Ippho Santosa reinforced her view. He addressed the emotions of the audience during these sessions and suggested that they were due to the fact that “we pray for each other, we support one another. If we envy each other’s achievement in material prosperity it will prevent our fortune.”

The other part of the Seven Miracle of Good Fortune seminar was a section about respecting parents. In this session he turned off the lights and asked the audiences to focus on listening to a voice recording. The recording invited the audiences to reflect on the role of their parents from their childhood to them becoming adults. During the session I found many audiences cried and sobbed. The final session was about sedekah . Ippho

Santosa emphasised the idea that sedekah was a method of gaining spiritual and material wealth.

The dramatic moments in the business motivation seminar mentioned

223 above were also generally used by trainers in Indonesia. Daromir Rudnyckyj in his study of Ary Ginanjar’s Emotional and Spiritual Quotient (ESQ) training among Krakatau Steel factory employees demonstrates that the training sets the audience up in dramatic situation. The trainer directs the attendees to reflect and contemplate their lives in relation to God, family and

223 Daromir Rudynyckyj, “Circulating Tears and Managing Heart: Governing through Affect in an Indonesian Steel Factory,” Anthropological Theory 11, no 1 (2011): 63-87

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commitment to work. The ESQ trainer also uses multimedia technology to magnify the emotional effect on audiences.

224 Rudnyckyj has called this phenomenon ‘governing through affect.’ It refers to the mobilisation of affects to govern subjects. The affective intervention of ESQ training, according to Rudnyckyj was significant for

Krakatau employees. In his comparative observation of Stephen Covey’s

Seven Habits and ESQ training among the Krakatau Steel employees,

Rudnyckyj also highlights the positive impact of what he calls as “affective

225 intervention” of ESQ on employees rather than Seven Habits training.

In his seminar, Ippho Santosa frequently quotes Islamic scriptures. He frequently emphasises that he is not an ustadz (Muslim cleric) but he ensures his audience that the Islamic teachings he presents are taken from the reputable Islamic materials including publications written by religious scholars.

Instead of quoting the original Islamic texts, he relates their meaning.

For example when he addresses the idea that sedekah will make people wealthy, he relates the content of a Hadist that suggests that wealth never decrease because of sedekah but in the contrary will increase. In brief, his aim is to ensure his audience that all of his presentations are based on foundational religious scriptures which add to the credibility of his seminar.

224 Ibid 225 Daromir Rudnyckyj, “Regimes of Self-Improvement: Globalization and the Will to Work,” Social Text 32, no 3 (2014): 109-127

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In addition, Ippho employs various media to spread the economic theology of sedekah to wider audiences. These media include social media and television programs. For example, on his Twitter account @ipphoright, Ippho

226 has promoted the virtue of sedekah by creating the hashtag (#) sedekah . He notes that sedekah can facilitate fortune and happiness.

Ippho also promotes the economic theology of dhuha through television programs. In his television program titled Pintu Rezeki (the Entrance of Good Fortune), he provides examples of the most successful Muslim businessmen in Indonesia, including Sandiaga Uno, who perform dhuha

227 regularly. Ippho emphasises that dhuha prayers facilitates access fortune.

Figure 6.4. Ippho Santosa’s tweets (accessed 1 Sep 2015)

226 Hashtags are used to “note a subject, event, or association” by using a hash sigh “#”. They are usually used to invite a wider audience to engage and become involved with the note. Dhiraj Murthy, Twitter: Social Communication in the Twitter Age (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013), 3. 227 Pintu Rezeki is broadcasted in Trans 7. It was hosted by Ippho Santosa. See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hTCb_ADcrJs (Accessed January 2015).

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I found that Ippho Santosa’s followers come from the middle class and well-educated backgrounds. They are typically university students and graduates, government employees and businessmen from small and medium enterprises. I interviewed some of them. A couple of Ippho Santosa’s seminar

228 attendees, Dinda and Isda, mentioned to me that they were attracted to

Ippho Santosa’s seminar because he provided a moral justification for becoming rich in Islam. Dinda told me:

“My grandmother who was a religious teacher taught me that Islam does not recommend that Muslims become rich. She said that the wealth would delay the entry of Muslims into Paradise. A rich Muslim will be asked many questions regarding to how he or she spent his/her wealth. However, after attending Ippho Santosa’s seminar, I have realised that Islam encourages its adherents to become rich. A rich Muslim can carry out worship comfortably such as going to Mecca on pilgrimage and performing good deeds to help the needy and poor. Hence, my husband and I aspire to become rich in order to perform good deeds. I support my husband in becoming an entrepreneur in order to realise our aspirations. In addition, I always supposed that sedekah was only for distributing wealth, but Ippho Santosa’s seminar provided another view - that sedekah is also a method of seeking material and spiritual wealth. So, from now on I will perform sedekah not only to distribute wealth but also to pursue multiple material rewards from God.”

I argue that Dinda and Isda’s impression to Ippho Santosa’s seminar represents subjectification of values. This subjectification is a result of what

Rudyckyj said as ‘governing through affect.’ Ippho Santosa inculcates the idea that Prophet Muhammad was rich and also a trader. He also connects the idea

228 Not their real names. The husband is a General Practitioner and the wife is a university lecturer. The wife completed her PhD from a prestigious university in Australia. 167

of becoming and being rich with of the performance of good deeds in his seminar.

Another of Ippho’s followers was a fruit distribution businessman in

229 Yogyakarta, Haji Thoriq. During my interview he mentioned that he had collected some of Ippho Santosa’s books and had attended his Seven Miracle of Good Fortune seminar. Haji Thoriq’s enthusiasm for Ippho Santosa also stimulated him to purchase a TK Khalifah (Khalifah kindergarten), a business franchise owned Ippho Santosa. Then, he established the TK Khalifah kindergarten next to his house. TK Khalifah is intended to cultivate

230 entrepreneurial attitudes from early childhood .

Haji Thoriq expressed the view that Seven Miracle of Good Fortune had reflected his own life experience. He came from a poor family background in Solo, Central Java and went to Yogyakarta to look for a job. Initially he worked as cleaner in a Muslim prayer room until he met the owner of fresh fruit store who recruited him as an employee. While working as an employee he learned how to manage a fruit store and keep in touch with customers.

Haji Thoriq then tried to start up his own fresh fruit business and this business flourished. As a result he was able to fund his parents in-law’s pilgrimage to Mecca, and was also able to build a luxurious house in north

Yogyakarta. The house was in European style with two floors. On the right

229 I interviewed Haji Thoriq three times in 23 February 2013, 5 March 2013 and 11 March 2015 in Yogyakarta. I also participated in several activities with Haji Thoriq at TK Khalifah, as well as at Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary Alms Giving) . 230 Haji Thoriq told me that he bought TK Khalifah about IDR 200.000.000. 168

side there was small garden decorated with a small bridge and fishpond.

Added to this, on the second floor there was also a swimming pool.

My analysis on Ippho Santosa’s publication and seminar shows that

Yusuf Mansur’s “economic theology” has also spread through business motivation seminars. These seminars bring about, borrowing Rudnyckyj’s term, ‘subjectification through affective intervention’ which significantly impacts on the attendee’s subjectification as they reflect on Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology.

The following description consists of two stories from young adults who were interested in attending business motivation seminars, including

Ippho Santosa’s seminar. These two stories highlight the roles played by people in spreading the idea of economic theology to wider audiences. I apply the term “multi-level promoters of economic theology” to these people. My first case study will explore Chabib. He was a lecturer and also ran a food stall business. This will be followed by Ali Baba’s story. He was a university student and ran a business in order to become self-reliant. Both Chabib and Ali Baba were active in promoting economic theology within their own groups.

IV. Chabib’s Story

My first meeting with Chabib was on 20 December 2012. Other informants suggested that I contact him. We agreed to meet in the Ulil Albab

Mosque located on the Indonesian Islamic University (UII) Yogyakarta as a meeting point. It was 10.00 in the morning, I entered the mosque and found 169

several people conducted prayers. I supposed that one of them was Chabib.

After a while, Chabib found and greeted me. He explained that he had performed dhuha, a morning prayer intending to obtain blessing and prosperity from God. He had made a commitment to perform dhuha and claimed that he learned about the virtue of dhuha from Ippho Santosa’s seminar and Yusuf

Mansur’s sermons.

Chabib was 29 years old. He came from a village in Pati, Central Java.

His father was a motorcycle taxi driver ( ojek ) and his mother was a vendor in a traditional market. Chabib lived in his village until he had completed senior high school. In contrast to other young adults in his village who spent their spare time to chatting on street corners after school, Chabib told me that he chose to stay at home and watch television. His favourite television programs

231 were particularly news and Islamic sermons.

Chabib’s hobby of watching television news programs led him to become a presenter later in life. One day before the senior high school

231 Prior 1990s having a television set in Indonesia was the preserve of the wealthy, and even some orthodox religious leaders considered watching television was haram (forbidden by Islamic law). The rich or the “new rich” alone were able to own televisions. However, from the 1990s onwards, and with the expansion of the number of private television stations, ownership of televisions has become more widespread.. See Victor J. Caldarola, Reception as Cultural Experience: Visual Mass Media and Reception Practices in outer Indonesia , PhD Thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1990; Victor J. Caldarola, “Reading the Television Text in Outer Indonesia,” The Howards Journal of Communications 4, no. 1&2 (1992): 28-49; Hans Antlöv, “The New Rich and Cultural Tensions in Rural Indonesia” in Culture and Privilege in Capitalist Asia , ed. Michael Pinches (Routledge: London and New York, 1999) 189-208; Philip Kitley, Television, Nation and Culture in Indonesia (Ohio: Ohio University Centre for International Studies, 2002).

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national examination, he heard that SCTV, a private television station, had initiated a program called SCTV goes to campus. This event was going to be held on the Universitas Diponegoro (UNDIP) campus in Semarang.

University students were welcome to meet and learn from SCTV news presenters. He decided to go there and attend the event. After that, his aim was to become a news presenter and journalist.

After completing senior high school Chabib went to Yogyakarta to continue his studies. He unsuccessfully applied for entrance into a public university, such as Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM) in Yogyakarta and

Universitas Sebelas Maret (UNS) in Solo. On failing the public universities’ entrance examinations, he then applied to Universitas Islam Indonesia

(Indonesian Islamic University), a private university. He passed their entrance examination and was admitted to UII’s Pharmacy Department.

After receiving his letter of offer from UII he consulted withhis parents. Chabib told me that his parents initially disagreed with his intention of continuing his study at a private university, particularly at UII. They understood that UII was associated with expensive university. Most of UII students came from middle to upper class family backgrounds. However,

Chabib convinced his parents that he was serious about pursuing his undergraduate studies. Finally, they strove to find out the funding for him.

During his initial year of study, Chabib wanted to realise his intention to become a television presenter. Chabib found that SCTV had created a program to look for potential presenters. SCTV held an event at Gadjah Mada 171

University campus in Yogyakarta. Chabib was eager to apply for the event. He passed the selection process and got an opportunity to go to Jakarta to attend a workshop on journalism. Chabib’s experience in this attending journalism workshop led to him having a part time job as a master of ceremonies (MC) at various events to support his studies.

Chabib’s hobby of watching television has also led him to Islamic teachings. He mentioned to me that after the early morning prayer ( subuh ), he usually turned on the television to watch Islamic televised sermons. One day he watched Yusuf Mansur’s sermon on the economic theology of sedekah . He recalled the moment:

It was a university holiday in 2005. There was a serious flood in my village, so I went home to visit my parents and helped them to clean up our house due to the flood. One day after that I performed the subuh prayer (early morning prayer) and I turned on the television. I chose an Islamic program in Trans TV. I found an ustadz (Muslim cleric) was delivering a sermon on the virtue of sedekah . He mentioned that sedekah was one of the important devotional acts in Islam. God would give ten-fold rewards for those who performed sedekah . The ustadz cited a verse from Al-Qur’an mentioning God’s reward for people who had donated their wealth for sedekah . Based on this verse, the ustadz called God’s rewards Matematika Sedekah ( a Mathematics of Voluntary Alms Giving). The logic of this mathematics was quite different from general mathematics. In general mathematics ten minus one equals nine (10-1=9), however in this mathematics of giving ten minus one equals nineteen (10-1=19). The ustadz said that this was possible because Allah in that verse assures us that our reward will be multiplied ten folds. I was surprised with the notion and afterward I found out that the ustadz was Yusuf Mansur.

Chabib became increasingly fascinated with teachings of Yusuf

Mansur’s matematika sedekah when he attended Ippho Santosa’s Seven

Miracle of Good Fortune seminar. In Chabib’s view Ippho Santosa has 172

promoted Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology in simple and attractive ways.

Although he regularly referred in his seminar presentation to Islamic scriptures, Ippho Santosa’s performance did not look like that of an ustadz

(Muslim cleric). He performed as motivational speaker. Chabib’s impression of

Ippho Santosa had also driven him to buy Ippho Santosa’s Muslim clothing,

232 Kaia. Chabib sells the Kaia products at various campus events.

His fascination with economic theology stimulated him to frequently watch Yusuf Mansur’s televised sermons. He also went directly to Jakarta to attend the program in person several times when he had additional income

233 from his job. He wanted to realise the material rewards from performing sedekah . He then was eager to provide ten percent of his earning from hosting the events for sedekah .

He told me that he provided sedekah to the mosque and for the poor.

He favoured offering his sedekah to those in need who had shown efforts to look for livelihood and who performed Islamic prayers, especially the five times a day prayers ( shalat lima waktu ) rather than those who chose to be beggars on thein streets. He explained to me that the best sedekah was Sedekah jariyah. This refers to sedekah which has continuous rewards from God, such as sedekah to build a mosque. The givers will continue to receive the God’s

232 http://kaia-clothing.blogspot.com.au/ (accessed 5 September 2015). 233 The name of the program is Nikmatnya Sedekah (the Pleasure of Voluntary Alms Giving). It started to reach audience in 2005 by name Keajaiban Sedekah (the Miracle of Voluntary Alms Giving). The program has broadcasted twice a week namely Wednesday and Thursday early morning from 0400-06.00 AM in the MNC TV. See Chapter Three. 173

reward if people pray in the mosque. He learned this idea from Yusuf Mansur.

Chabib noted:

After having known about matematika sedekah I always gave ten percent of my earnings for sedekah . I provided it in advance. For instance, one time I needed about Rp. 1.000.000 (AUD $ 100). Based on my understanding of the mathematics of giving, I had to perform sedekah and donate 10% of the required amount, that is Rp 100.000,-, which I then gave in advance. Several days after this, I got a job to host an event and received a payment about IDR 1.000.000. This is the miracle of giving. God promises to reward by a factor of ten.

Chabib’s explanation prompted me to ask a question about the sincerity of performing Islamic devotional acts including voluntary alms giving. I asked him whether his intention to get material rewards from God was at odds with the notion of sincerity ( keikhlasan ). He replied that his expectation to obtain material rewards from God could be regarded as sincere

(ikhlas ). He argued that wishing to God was certainly acceptable. “We have to believe in God including his potentials to reward our sedekah ten times over.

When we ask for solutions to our everyday problems from Him, this is certainly a sincere action. However, if we ask this of a human being it would certainly be regarded as insincere.” Chabib said that many other people had also posed to him similar questions to mine. He also emphasised the fact that his understanding of matematika sedekah (the Mathematic of Voluntray Alms

Giving) had mostly come from the sermons of Yusuf Mansur.

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V. Promoting economic theology

Chabib was keen not only to perform sedekah and dhuha but also to promote their performance to other people. He had a unique way of promoting the Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology. My account below will illustrate how he has actively spread the importance of dhuha and other prosperity prayers to other Muslims.

Chabib regularly hosts a business motivation seminar. He looked like a

234 “trendy teenager” ( anak gaul ) and wore a blue Polo branded wool vest with blue long sleeves and grey long pants. He had an iPad in his hands and his eyes occasionally focused on the gadget. He opened the seminar with an interesting question. He greeted and welcomed to the audience and subsequently offered a question to the audiences “Among of you who did tahajud prayer (midnight prayer) last night?” Three females and two males raised their hands. Chabib continued his questions to the seminar audience. “Among of you who started this beautiful morning with a dhuha before coming to this seminar? I observed eight persons both males and females raised their hands. He immediately said

“Alhamdulillah” (all blessing for God). Afterwards he requested that the seminar committee note the names of those who raised their hand. Chabib said to them that he would give them trendy Muslim and Muslimah (female

234 The term “gaul” could be seen in Nancy J. Smith-Hefner, “Youth Language, Gaul Sociability and the New Indonesian Middle Class,” Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 17, no. 2 (2007): 184-203.

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Muslim) clothing as a present because of their commitment in performing the

Islamic devotional acts.

After a discussion session with the speaker, Chabib continued to question his audience. “I want to know who has already memorised the verse of al Mulk ?” One female audience member raised her hand up. Chabib continued his question “who has already memorised the verse of al-waqiah or

235 arrahman ? No audience members responded to this question. After having seen this situation, he invited a female audience member to come up on to the stage to show up her ability to recite the verse al-mulk by heart.

Chabib guided the female audience member. He uttered “ tabarakalladhi biyadihi ...” the first verse of al-mulk , then he was followed by the female audience member. The way Chabib guided the female audience member to start the verse of al-mulk seemed to indicate that he had also memorised the verse very well. The female audience member continued her recital for several verses and then Chabib asked her to conclude. Chabib invited the audience to join him in applauding her. After that, he gave her a digital counter as a present. He said to her that he used the digital counter when reciting shalawat

(praises for Muhammad Prophet).

The description on how Chabib promots dhuha and other prosperity prayers is a good example of what I call “multi-level economic theology promoters”. This phenomenon illustrates that the widespread circulation

235 Al Mulk , Al-Waqiah and Arrahman are chapters from Al-Qur’an. Yusuf Mansur has recently promoted these chapters through his Islamic sermons in many occasions. He called those chapters as recitation for prosperity. 176

economic theology among the urbanites is not only associated with the role of new preachers but also has been facilitated by other promoters.

After completing his undergraduate and professional program, Chabib became a casual lecture at his institution. He received a monthly salary about

IDR 638.000 (AUD $ 60) for this job as a casual lecture between 2008 and

2013. He claimed that the salary was actually not sufficient to cover his expenses. In search of additional earnings he worked as master of ceremonies and also started his own business.

Chabib started food stall business named Gerobak Jus (Juice Carts). He sold fresh fruit juice. He had four juice carts and employed four others. His business was situated around the UII campus of Kaliurang Yogyakarta. He said that he paid Rp. 1.500.000 (AUD$ 150) per month as a salary to his employees. In other words, his employees’ monthly salaries were higher than his earning as casual lecture at UII.

Chabib mentioned that his juice carts were initially supported by a rich woman. He met the woman because of his commitment to perform shalat in the mosque. The woman always went to the mosque to conduct prayers. She was a generous woman who frequently provided foods to the takmir. Takmir are people who look after the mosque and maintain the mosque’s activities.

One day the woman invited Chabib to create a business based on profit sharing. They finally decided to make juice carts and the woman offered the management of their business to Chabib. 177

Chabib associated his juice carts business with his commitment to perform sedekah . He said that “it is all due to Allah and my commitment to do shalat (compulsory prayer five times a day) in mosque consistently.” As I have described earlier, Chabib’s curiosity to practise sedekah led him to watch Yusuf

Mansur’s televised sermons regularly. If he missed a sermon, he accessed its recording via the internet.

Figure 6.5 Chabib hosted a business motivation seminar

178

Figure 6.6 Chabib resells Ippho Santosa’s product Kaia

Photograph: Chabib

The following section will analyse another example of economic theology promoter. Ali Baba was a university student and interested in attending business motivation seminars. He learnt of economic theology from business motivation seminars and fascinated by it. He practiced sedekah and dhuha and also ran a business. His commitment to economic theology and business has made him into a motivator for his small circle of student fellows on his campus. He shared his experience in starting up business and also his commitment to perform dhuha and sedekah .

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VI. Ali Baba’s Story

I met Ali Baba at a business motivation seminar on campus. The seminar event was initiated by an entrepreneurial community named Tangan

Di Atas (Hand on Top). Tangan Di Atas is an Indonesian term referring to generosity and gift-giving. This group promotes Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology among the business start-ups. Ali Baba was invited by host of the seminar to the stage to share his passion for starting up a business. I was curious when he mentioned that he started a business during his second year of study. He said that his passion was to start a business and to become self- reliant.

Baba was born in a poor family in Jambi in central Sumatra. His father was a farmer while his mother was a housewife. He had four brothers and four sisters. Most of them were lacking in education. They only went to primary school And Baba was the youngest in the family. He spent his childhood at his grandfather’s house. He remembered that they lived in poverty at that time.

The family’s breadwinner was only his father. He illustrated the condition of his family at that time in the following terms:

When I was at primary school, my family and I lived in my grandfather’s house. We were very poor. You can imagine…We could not buy or consume meat and fish. Every day we only ate rice with fried chilli and tomatoes.

However, Ali Baba’s parents had given priority to Baba’s education.

Compared to his brothers and sisters, Baba had a strong commitment to completing his studies and continuing his education up to university level. 180

Baba mentioned to me, “Because of my family conditions at that time, I had no idea of continuing my studies to university level. However, my parents had frequently explained to me that God would cover and provide for the seeker

236 of knowledge’s livelihood.”

After finishing his secondary school, Baba went to Pesantren Nurul

Asadiyah (Islamic Boarding School) in Sengkang, Sulawesi. Baba said to me that his parents expected him to experience dual education programs, namely religious education and non-religious education. The program he followed

237 provided him with the opportunity to study Islam and non-Islamic subjects.

Studying at pesantren was also accessible to Baba who came from lower income family. The tuition and living costs are cheaper than studying in public schools.

After completing his study at the pesantren , Ali Baba wanted to study in

Yogyakarta to pursue undergraduate studies. His intention to study in

Yogyakarta grew out of an alumnus’s visit to the pesantren . The alumnus promoted the virtues of Yogyakarta as a city of education to his junior fellows.

Ali Baba was impressed with his senior’s presentation about Yogyakarta and wanted to study there. He spoke to his parent about his intention to study in

236 236 Suzanne Naafs underlines that most of Indonesian parents recognise education is an important aspect for the future of their children. Most of them grapple to support the education of their children until university level. See Suzanne Naafs, “Youth, Gender, and the Workplace: Shifting Opportunities and Aspirations in an Indonesian Industrial Town,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science , no. 646 (2013): 233-250. 237 See Elisabeth Jackson and Lyn Parker, “’Enriched with Knowledge’: Modernisation, Islamisation and the Future of Islamic Education,” Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs , 42, no. 1 (2008): 21-53. 181

Yogyakarta. . They saw that Baba seriously committed to this course of study and agreed with him.

Ali Baba was admitted to Universitas Islam Negeri . He stayed in the student boarding house owned by Sulawesi government.

Accomodation at this boarding house is free of charge. The Sulawesi government built the student boarding house to facilitate the studies of students from middle to lower income family backgrounds. He had to share a room with others.

Having realised that his parents could not fully fund his study, Ali Baba wanted to start a business. He committed himself to become self-reliant.

When he came to Yogyakarta he found a dynamic atmosphere of university student activities related to entrepreneurship including business motivation seminars. He started to attend business motivation seminars in order to learn how to start a business. The seminars typically featured small businessmen who were eager to share their business success. To attend the seminars he had to spend between Rp. 100,000 (AUD $ 10) and Rp. 250,000 (AUD $ 25).

Ali Baba mentioned that he was impressed by Ippho Santosa’s seminars and also Saptuari Sugiharto’s. He told me that their seminars emphasised the performance of Islamic devotional acts as a means of gaining business success. He then began to collect their books. When I visited his home, he proudly showed me his collection of books written by businessmen, including Ippho Santosa and Yusuf Mansur. Baba’s enthusiasm to attend 182

business motivation seminars and collect a number of books had stimulated my curiosity and I want to know what lessons he obtained from them:

What I have learned from the Ippho Santosa and Saptuari’s business motivation seminars is that businessmen link their business success to a commitment to perform Islamic devotional acts. Most business motivation books encourage us to perform Islamic devotional acts as a means to achieve a business success. These Islamic devotional acts including sedekah , dhuha , tahajud and respecting parents (hormat kepada orang tua ). Moreover, they highlight a positive viewpoint in daily life. For example if I fail to reach my dream, I do not say I am a failure but that it is ‘postponed success’ ( sukses yang tertunda ). This mindset helps me become confident in achieving my dreams.

VII. Starting a business

Ali Baba aimed to put into practice the businessmen’s advice. He told me that one day he attended a lecture in campus. The lecture was on philosophy. He remembered that he did not understand anything from the lecture. “The lecturer spoke about some theoretical discussions on philosophy.

It was so abstract and quite far from real life problems, while the seminars and books that I attended and read have instructed me to do more concrete and real actions. I was very confused at that time. It seemed like a disturbance in my mind.” After the lecture, he went to visit his best friend and shared his problem. His friend gave him advice and suggested to him that he start a business.

However, when he consulted to his parents, they were dubious and disagreed with him. They suggested that he focus on his study rather than starting a business. Baba reflected on his situation. He understood that most 183

of the business motivation speakers had highlighted that the main key to achieving business success was getting consent from parents, especially from your mother. Accordingly, he attempted to convince his mother and explained to her that he wanted to be self-reliant:

I phoned my mother and explained to her my motivation behind my intention to

start a business. I sobbed at that time and explained to her that I wanted to be self-

reliant. I said to her that I did not want to disappoint her and our family. I said that

my dream was to make them happy. Finally, she agreed and supported my intention.

After having observed the business potentials, Baba decided to open a roasted corn stall ( jagung bakar ). It was the second year of his study at UIN

Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta. During his stall’s first week, his roasted corn remained unsold. He did not give up. His strong commitment to become self- reliant stimulated his desire to continue on with his business. After reflecting on his situation, he thought about moving to another, more strategic location in order to attract customers to buy his roasted corn. As a result, his business started to work.

Ali Baba applied the advice from the business motivation speakers.

When he faced a difficult situation of dividing his time between business and study he strove to think positively by converting this situation into a challenge.

He also performed dhuha and sedekah . Added to this, he frequently asked his mother to ask for her to pray for his fortune and success:

184

Most of business motivation books and seminars that I had read and attended

advised positive thinking when facing a problem or failure. They associated the

238 positive thinking with the Prophet Muhammad’s hadist “ana ‘inda dhannni abdi bii ”

which means that God is in the perception of his servants. This hadist encourages

Muslims to be positive thinkers. In other words, if we think that we will achieve a

success, the success will come true. When I met challenges and difficulties in

business, I reflected on this hadist . I constantly keep it in my mind that a good

perception of God will bring happiness and success to my life. In addition, I also

performed Islamic devotional acts including dhuha and sedekah . Most of trainers and

speakers highlighted these devotional acts as a way of gaining success and I believe

that they are the key to achieve success.

Ali Baba’s business became popular among his friend when they participated in his campus business event. The event was initiated by Centre for Entrepreneurship Studies (Cendi) of State Islamic University Sunan

Kalijaga and wascalled “Gebyar Cendi” (Sparkling of Cendi) which aimed at facilitating students who ran businesses promoting their product to a wider audience. In this event Baba’s product was recognised as a popular business product.

238 Ali Baba told me that the hadist is “Hadist Quds.” The Hadist Quds is understood as God’s sayings conveyed by the Prophet Muhammad. In addition, it is also different from the general hadist uttered by the Prophet Muhammad. The characteristic of Hadist Quds is the use of the word “I” which refers to God. 185

239 In my interview with the Director of Cendi, Abdul Rozaki, he explained that “gebyar cendi” was designed as an annual event in his centre to facilitate and support those students who ran businesses. He mentioned that the event began with a business motivation seminar. It featured a prominent figure - Jusuf Kalla - a former and current Indonesian Vice-President and a prominent businessman. Subsequently the seminar was followed by an exhibition and competition of business products among the participants.

Ali Baba’s earnings from roasted corn stall gave him the confidence to expand his business. He then moved out from the student boarding house to rent more comfortable accommodation for his business. His new rental accommodation was located near his campus. He invited me to this new accommodation. I saw that he had constructed a temporary stall from bamboo. He told me that he had spent Rp. 30.000.000 (AUD $ 3000) to build the stall. He had received financial support from his uncle who was also a businessman.

Ali Baba named his new food stall as “Warung Ali Baba.” In his new stall he sold food and roasted corn. Due to the fact that his main customers were university students, Baba also organised a filing cabinet and displayed his business motivation book collections. He intended that his customers would be able to read books from his collection while having lunch or dinner in his stall.

239 Interview with Abdul Rozaki, the Director of Centre for Entrepreneurship Studies, State Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga, 28 December 2012. 186

Figure.6.7 Ali Baba’s business motivation book collection

Figure 6.8 Ali Baba and Mas Mono

Photograph: Ali Baba

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After several months, his business became steady. He employed four people. They were his juniors in the Pesantren Nurul Assadiyah Sengkang. In addition, he was also invited by university student organisation on campus to share his passion for starting up a business. He then became active in several social activities including Makelar Sedekah programs. During my participation in Makelar Sedekah I also frequently met him.

Ali Baba’s commitment to establishing a business has attracted his colleagues to learn from him. He has become active in motivating his university colleagues to join a small circle that promotes the economic theology as a best formula to achieve business success. Ali Baba informed me one day when he was invited by university students to share his experience in starting up a business he brought his mother to seminar and in this way he emphasized that he had the consent of his parents and that this was also important factor in achieving business success.

The story of Ali Baba shows that business motivation seminars and publications have stimulated a link between religious commitment and business. In addition to hard work, Ali Baba has also made a commitment to continue to perform dhuha and sedekah in order to succeed in business. His intention to become self-reliant was also a motivation for him to start a business.

Ali Baba and Chabib’s stories also demonstrate the way educated

Indonesian youth are navigating a way through the scarcity of jobs in the 188

240 formal sector. Instead of frustration and becoming radicalized , government initiatives to promote entrepreneurship among the youths have facilitated an alternative for them to earn living outside of work in formal sector.

VIII. Conclusion

This chapter has shown another set of promoters who receive and adapt Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology. They include business motivators and university students who are attracted to Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology and spread these ideas in their own community.

Ippho Santosa’s publication and seminar have also facilitated the widespread circulation of Yusuf Mansur’s ideas on economic theology among young adults. His attractive and simple way of presenting his business motivation seminar has made his economic theology more acceptable to young people. Although Ippho Santosa does not have a direct business connection to Yusuf Mansur, his promotion of economic theology has been marketed through his business. This phenomenon represents what I call

“indirect reciprocity” between Yusuf Mansur and his economic theology promoters.

240 See Asef Bayat and Linda Herrera, “Introduction: Being Young and Muslim in Neoliberal Times”, in Being Young and Muslim: New Cultural Politics in the Global South and North , ed. Linda Herrera and Asef Bayat (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 1-24. See also Linda Herrera, “Young Egyptians’ Quest for Jobs and Justice,” in Being Young and Muslim: New Cultural Politics in the Global South and North , ed. Linda Herrera and Asef Bayat (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 127-143 189

The life stories of Ali Baba and Chabib in this chapter portray the complexities of urban youth in Indonesia. They illustrate the aspirations, desires and challenges of youth who come from rural and poor family backgrounds and move to urban area for education and employment. They have recently found that their educational background is no longer sufficient to secure them suitable jobs and stable incomes; meanwhile they also understand that their parents have to struggle to fund their continuing studies.

In order to become self-reliant and successful, they must look for other alternatives.

The proliferation of entrepreneurial motivation seminars, books and sermons that wed Islam to issues of prosperity have subsequently provided an alternative way for some Muslim youth to find their “certainty” during a period of transition. They develop a desire to start businesses in order to become self-reliant and become eager to learn and practice Islam as a means to prosperity. In general this chapter has shown how urban Muslim interpret and spread the economic theology among their own groups and community.

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Chapter Seven

Conclusion

I. Concluding Remarks

In this thesis I have examined urban Muslims’ reception, adaptation and promotion of Islamic teachings propagated by new Muslim preachers in contemporary Indonesia. This thesis has focused on Yusuf Mansur’s propagation of “prosperity Islam” which I labelled in this thesis as economic theology.

I have asked the following questions:

1. Why are urban Indonesian Muslims so attracted to new Muslim

preachers and religious figures and their teachings?

2. Through which processes does this new Islamic propagation of

prosperity gain popularity among its followers?

3. How do the urban Muslims receive and adapt to these new

Islamic teachings?

4. How do the urban Muslims interpret and circulate these Islamic

teachings among their community?

The findings of this thesis are as follows:

Firstly, why are urban Muslims attracted to these new Muslim religious authority figures? I argue that Indonesian preachers have interpreted Islamic teachings in ways that reflect the aspirations of Muslims and correspond to the 191

changing social and political contexts of contemporary Indonesia (Chapter 2).

My overview of the changing focus of Islamic management training courses and seminars in Indonesia has shown that new and different social and political contexts have affected the directions and focus of these training courses and their relationship to the interpretation of Islamic teachings. The trainers and preachers have deliberately blended modern management theories with Islamic teachings in order to respond to the social and political change being experienced by the Indonesian population.

My second findings are that the various methods used by Yusuf

Mansur to propagate his economic theology, ranging from television programs, publications and movies and that these have effectively facilitated its wider reception among urban Muslims, especially Muslim business people.

His economic theology has motivated and inspired them because of its potential in creating a hope and fulfilling their aspiration to find suitable jobs, to pay back debts, to find a marriage partner and to raise a family. As a result of this, his economic theology has become increasingly popular (Chapter

Three).

Thirdly, this study reveals two emergent patterns of the reception, adaptation and circulation of this economic theology in business circles

(Chapter Four). These patterns can be summarised as follows:

The first pattern is direct reciprocity . It refers to Muslims who establish direct contact with Yusuf Mansur to learn from him. They become his closest followers and support his PPPA Daarul Qur’an programs as donors in return. 192

Yusuf Mansur promotes their businesses to his wider audience. As a result, some of these key figures have become preachers or representatives of Yusuf

Mansur, and further promote his economic theology in their own communities. Yusuf Mansur receives donations from the donors and the donors receive recognition from Yusuf Mansur and the wider credibility that this brings.

The second pattern is indirect reciprocity (Chapter Five). This term is used for Muslims who do not establish a direct relationship with Yusuf

Mansur, but who adapt his economic theology and spread it within their own circles and environment. After they become known in their local communities,

Yusuf Mansur may endorse them and give them support. The followers’ activities of sedekah are eventually endorsed by Yusuf Mansur as an appropriate group to conduct charitable activities, while Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology has been promoted to a wider audience.

My findings also show that the indirect reciprocity is due to the popularity of business motivation seminars among the university students

(Chapter Six). These seminars encourage entrepreneurship among young people. Due to the fact that most of the popular business motivation speakers in Indonesia in recent times have been Yusuf Mansur’s followers, I argue that these motivators at university level have also become a means for the promotion of economic theology as a formula for the achievement of business success, and contribute to the wider spread and popularity of economic theology. 193

The emergence of business motivation seminars is due to aspiration and need of new university graduates to find jobs in an increasingly competitive labour market in Indonesia, where traditional sources of employment for tertiary graduates (i.e. the civil service) are becoming more restricted. While the majority of university graduates both aspire to and are willing to become public servants, an increasing pool of graduates also find that the availability of this public sector employment is in reality becoming more and more As a result, I have shown that the Ministry of Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises as well as the Ministry of Labour and

Transmigration as government agencies have instigated entrepreneurship programs which target students and university graduates as a way to encourage them to enter entrepreneurial, self-employment.

Finally, this thesis has demonstrated that the widespread circulation of economic theology among the urbanites cannot be merely attributed to Yusuf

Mansur as an individual, but owes a significant debt to the roles of his followers in business circles. They adapt and promote his economic theology through charity initiatives such as Makelar Sedekah (the Broker of Voluntary

Alms Giving) and Sedekah Rombongan (Togetherness in Performing

Voluntary Alms Giving). I argue that these groups are emerging and actively practise the idea of economic theology.

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II. Contribution to the Existing Studies

This thesis contributes to scholarship on dissemination of religious authority

241 242 243 244 in the following ways. Studies by Watson , Howell , Hoesterey , Sakai ,

245 246 Muzakki and Rudnyckyj have shown an emergence of a new form of

Muslim religious authority among the urban Muslims in Indonesia. These new

Muslim religious figures include Islamic fashion designers, writers, urban Sufis as well as business trainers. They are typically graduates of secular educational institutions and eager to learn Islam from the available, but largely non- traditional, sources including popular publications, television and the internet.

241 C.W. Watson, “A Popular Indonesian Preacher: The Significance of AA Gymnastiar, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 11, no. 4 (2005): 773-792. 242 Julia Day Howell, “Modulations of Active Piety: Professors and Televangelists As Promoters of Indonesian ‘ Sufisme ’,” in Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia , ed. by Greg Fealy and Sally White (Singapore: ISEAS, 2008), 40-62; Julia Day Howell, “Indonesia’s Salafist Sufis,” Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 5 (2010): 1029-1051; Julia Day Howell, “’Calling’ and ‘Training’: Role Innovation and Religious De-differentiation in Commercialised Indonesia Islam,” Journal of Contemporary Religion 28, no. 3 (2013): 401-419; Julia Day Howell, “Christendom, The Ummah and Community in the age of Televangelism,” Social Compass 61, no. 2 (2014): 234-249. 243 James B Hoesterey, Sufis and Self-Help Gurus: Islamic Psychology, Religious Authority, and Muslim Subjectivity in Contemporary Indonesia , unpublished PhD thesis (University of Wisconsin- Madison, 2009); James B. Hoesterey, “Prophetic Cosmopolitanism: Islam, Pop Psychology, and Civic Virtue in Indonesia.” City and Society 24, no. 1 (2012):38-61. 244 Minako Sakai, “Preaching to Muslim Youth in Indonesia: The ‘Dakwah’ Activities of Habiburrahman El Shirazy, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 46, no. 1 (2012): 9-31. 245 Akh Muzakki, “Islamic Televangelism in Changing Indonesia: Transmission, Authority, and the Politics of Ideas,” in Global and Local Televangelism , ed. Pradip Ninan Thomas and Philip Lee (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 45-63. 246 Daromir Rudnyckyj, Spiritual Economies: Islam, Globalization, and the Afterlife of Development (Cornell: Cornell University Press, 2010).

195

Complementing these existing studies, my case study has demonstrated that urban Muslims’ reception, adaptation and circulation of Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology exhibits new processes of dissemination of religious authority. The Muslim person becomes the new preacher within their own social group.

This thesis has also contributed to the discussions of religion and secularisation. The recent studies in this field have highlighted religious resurgence in modern world being linked to religious messages about

247 prosperity. In line with this global phenomenon this study has also demonstrated that urban Muslims in Indonesia have been attracted to similar

247 Peter A Jackson, “Royal Spirits, Chinese Gods, and Magic Monks: ’s Boom-Time Religions of Prosperity,” South East Asia Research 7, no. 3 (1999): 245-320; Pattana Kitiarsa, “Buddha Phanit: Thailand’s Prosperity Religion and Its Commodifying Tactics,” in Religious Commodification in Asia: Marketing Gods , ed. Pattana Kitiarsa (New York: Routledge, 2008), 120-143; Robert W Hefner, “The Unexpected Modern: Gender, Piety, and Politics in the st Global Pentecostal Surge,” in Global Pentecostalism in the 21 Century , ed. Robert W Hefner (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2013), 1-36; Robert W Hefner, “Religious Resurgence in Contemporary Asia: Southeast Asian Perspectives on Capitalism, the State, and the New Piety,” Journal of Asian Studies , 69, no. 4 (2010): 1031-1047; Bryan S Turner, Religion and Modern Society: Citizenship, Secularisation and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 281; Susan Harding, “The Gospel of Giving: the Narrative Construction of Sacrificial Economy,” in Vocabularies of Public Life: Empirical Essays in Symbolic Structure, ed. Robert Wuthnow (London and New York: Routledge, 1992): 39-56; Susan Harding, the Book of Jerry Falwell: Fundamentalist Language and Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000); Simon Coleman, “The Charismatic Gift”, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 10 (2004): 421-442; Simon Coleman, “Prosperity Unbound? Debating the “Sacrificial Economy,” The Economics of Religion: Anthropological Approaches 31 (2011): 23-45; Samuli Schielke, “Capitalist Ethics and the Spirit of Islamization in Egypt,” in Ordinary Lives and Grand Schemes: an Anthropology of Everyday Religion , ed. Samuli Schielke and Liza Debevec (New York. Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2012), 131- 145; Amira Mittermaier, “Trading with God: Islam, Calculation, Excess,” in A Companion to the Anthropology of Religion , ed. Janice Boddy and Michael Lambek (West Sussex: Wiley Blackwell, 2013), 274-29; Jean Camaroff, “The Politics of Conviction: Faith on the the Neoliberal Frontiers,” Social Analysis 53, no.1 (2009): 17-38.

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Islamic messages about prosperity. This phenomenon reveals that Islam continues to be practiced by urbanites in modern and globalised Indonesia. In other words, modernisation in Indonesian context does not denote the secularisation of public life.

I also acknowledge the limitations of my arguments. Since this thesis has focused on Islamic propagation among urbanites, the study does not and cannot claim to represent the Islamic expression of rural Muslims or that this expression will follow a similar tune. Although villagers occasionally watch new Muslim preachers’ televised programs, they also continue to seek Islamic teachings and advice from their traditional sources, in the form of local

Muslim clerics rather than following the new preachers. In other words, Islam in rural areas still centred on the role of traditional Muslim religious authority,

248 who provides religious advice.

III. Suggestions for Further Research Directions

There are two potential research projects that can be explored for further research based on these current research findings.

First , quantitative approach may complement this study. My case studies have focused on examining the reception, adaptation and spread of

Yusuf Mansur’s economic theology in the business circles. This study draws data on limited ethnographic case studies in urban areas. In order to

248 See Minako Sakai, “Fostering Affinity through Dreams and Kinship: Origin Ritual Practice among the Gumay of South Sumatra of Indonesia,” in Comparison of Conceptions of Thinking and Emotions among Austronesians , ed. James J. Fox (ANU Press, forthcoming). 197

understand any broader phenomenon of urban Muslims’ reception and adaptation to Islamic preaching, a quantitative method may be used to identify such general trend.

Second , issues concerning the rise of Islamic conservatism should be studied. My study has demonstrated that the followers of Yusuf Mansur have applied economic theology to human resource management. Under the supervision of Yusuf Mansur, they require their employees to perform dhuha

(optional morning prayer) before start a work and must attend congregational prayers (shalat berjamaah ) and learn how to recite al-Qur’an. By implementing this management practice, Muslim business people are encouraged to only accept Muslims as their employees. This leads to the need to a study of the rise of Islamic conservatism and exclusivism. Recent studies by Sakai and

249 Fauzia and Sakai and Isbah have indicated the emergence of such conservatism and exclusivism among Indonesian Muslims. By conducting detailed ethnographic research on Muslim business practice and perceptions of religious diversity a contribution could also be made to the existing literature on religious orientations of Indonesian urban Muslims.

249 Minako Sakai and Amelia Fauzia, “Islamic Orientations in Contemporary Indonesia: Islamism on the Rise?” Asian Ethnicity 15, no.1 (2014): 41-61; Minako Sakai and M. Falikul Isbah, “Limits to Religious Diversity Practice in Indonesia,” Asian Journal of Social Science 42, no. 6 (2014): 722-746; Juliana Finucane and R. Michael Feener, Proselytizing and the Limits of Religious Pluralism in Contemporary Asia (Singapore: Springer, 2014); Martin van Bruinessen, Contemporary Developments in Indonesian Islam: Explaining the "Conservative Turn" Singapore: ISEAS, 2013).

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Appendix

List of Interviewees

Ali Baba: University student from UIN Sunan Kalijaga who runs a food stall Abdul Muid Badrun: University graduate runs a laundry business Adriansyah: Former director of Koperasi Mahasiswa UIN Sunan Kalijaga Agus Prayitno: Member of Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta. Abdul Rozaki: Centre for Entrepreneurship (Cendi) at UIN Sunan Kalijaga Agus Pramono: Makelar Sedekah and businessman Anang: supplier of a limited edition of clothes “distro” Agung Nugroho: owner of a laundry business named “Simply Fresh”. Cut Dewi: Participant in Ippho Seminar Danang Prihastomo: UGM alumnus who runs “angkringan gaul”. Darwono: Part of Waroeng Group management Effendi Wahyu: Branch manager of PPPA Daarul-Qur’an Fadly Noor: University student from Gadjah Mada University (UGM) Ferry Batik Paradise: Coordinator of Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta Ferry Mangrove The owner of Mangrove Printing Faishol: Member of Sedekah Rombongan and runs a gudeg (type of food) Firly: University graduate who runs the food stall Bubur Syarifah Guk Seta: Member of Tangan Di Atas. He is a website consultant Haji Thoriq: Fruit supplier, member of Makelar Sedekah Iskandar: Participant in Ippho Seminar Iwan Setiawan: University graduate who runs an English Course Kyai Muwafiq: Muslim cleric affiliated with Karman: Batik businessman, member of Sedekah Rombongan Lutfi Chabib: Lecturer of UII Yogyakarta. Muhammad Yunus: coordinator for Makelar Sedekah Semarang Miranti: Sedekah Rombongan patient. Maulina: Member of Sedekah Rombongan 199

Mahardika Pratama: Ippho Santosa’s book reader Mas Tony Trax: Waroeng Group management Muhammad Rizki: member of Makelar Sedekah Yogyakarta Nur Saif: Lecturer for an entrepreneurship subject ( mata kuliah kewirausahaan ). Nurwahyunimgsih: Participant in Ippho seminar Rizki: Former of Waroeng Employee Rendra: member of Makelar Sedekah. Ruspita : Lecturer for an entrepreneurship subject ( mata kuliah kewirausahaan ) Saptuari Sugiharto: Owner Kedai Digital and founder of Sedekah Rombongan Salehuddin: Lecturer and Centre for Entrepreneurship ( Cendi ) Setiawan: University graduate who runs a food stall business Taufik Ridwan: Businessman involved in advertising Zainur Rasyid: PPPA Daarul-Qur’an Semarang

Business Motivation Seminars and Islamic Study groups

Islamic Business Coaching by Dwi Condro Triono PhD (from Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia)

Tujuh Keajaiban Rezeki by Ippho Santosa (business motivator)

Sukses Mulia by Jamil Azzaini (business motivator)

Bisnis dan Sedekah by Saptuari Sugiharto (Sedekah Rombongan)

Spiritual Company by Jody Brotosuseno (owner of Waroeng Group)

Ketoprak Entrepreneur, featuring Saptuari Sugiharto

Sukses, berkah dan bahagia by Samsul Arifin (business motivator)

Dhuha congregations and other his Islamic sermons in Yogyakarta by Yusuf Mansur 200

Seminar Kewirausahaan by Yoyok Heri (owner Special Sambal )

Musli- preneur day , one day event held in hotel by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia

Rezeki Diantar Seminar by Mas Mono

Pesta Wirausaha, an annual large event held in Jakarta. This event is initiated by Komunitas Tangan Di atas.

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